
Book.. ; 

GoipghtS? 

COElfRIGHT DEPOSIT. 



ESSENTIALS 

IN 

MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



BY 
DANIEL C. KNOWLTON, Ph.D. 

HEAD OF THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY, CENTRAL HIGH SCHOOL 
NEWARK, NEW JERSEY 

AND 

SAMUEL B. HOWE, A.M. 

ACTING HEAD OF THE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL SCIENCE, SOUTH SIDE 
HIGH SCHOOL, NEWARK, NEW JERSEY 



LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO. 

FOURTH AVENUE & 3OTH STREET, NEW YORK 

PRAIRIE AVENUE & 25TH STREET, CHICAGO 

I917 



Essentials in European History Series 

Essentials in Early European History 

Essentials in Modern European History 







M/iy 28 1917 



COPYRIGHT, 191 7, BY 
LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO. 



©CI.A462713 



PREFACE 

An understanding of contemporary Europe is largely de- 
pendent upon an appreciation of two lines of development 
which have their origin back in the early years of the eigh- 
teenth century. The one gave rise to modern methods of 
carrying on business and industry ; the other gave us a new 
conception of the relation of government and the governed. 
In other words, to form a proper estimate of existing conditions 
in Europe we must follow step by step the revolutionary 
changes in commerce and industry and the tremendous ad- 
vance of democracy which have in a special manner charac- 
terized the history of the past century and a quarter. 

The effort of the authors of the present volume has been 
to present in bold relief these particular phases of modern life, 
mindful at the same time of the necessity of maintaining 
throughout a proper perspective. This task becomes increas- 
ingly difficult as we approach our own day. The march of 
events, however, has been so rapid that correspondingly more 
space has been devoted to contemporary history than to the 
earlier epochs. An effort has been made throughout the 
volume to emphasize only the sahent points in European prog- 
ress and to present them in a form attractive to high school 
students, showing the interrelation of these facts and empha- 
sizing especially their bearing upon the two aspects of the 
history of Europe to which reference has already been made. 

Those teachers who favor placing special emphasis upon 
the development of England in presenting the history of Europe 
will, we trust, find sufficient material for their purpose in the 
accompanying pages. The authors, however, have sought to 
avoid giving undue prominence to EngHsh development, reaUz- 
ing that other states on the continent have played no inconsid- 
erable part in world progress. Their object has been rather 
to give the high school student just that residuum of facts and 



iv PREFACE 

impressions about Europe, as a whole, which should be the 
possession of every well-informed man of affairs. The volume 
does not represent in any sense a compromise between Euro- 
pean and English history. It follows very closely the outlines 
prepared for the History Teachers Magazine a few years ago 
by Dr. A. M. Wolf son of the Julia Richman High School, 
New York City, in association with one of the authors of the 
present volume. These outhnes represented an attempt to put 
in definite syllabus form the ideas of the framers of the report 
of the Committee of Five. This syllabus has been carefully 
tested out in the class room, and the present volume has 
been prepared in harmony with these experiences. The 
authors trust it will serve to crystallize the divergent views as 
to what should be taught in the secondary school in the field 
of contemporary history and will also give an added impetus 
to instruction of a broader and more cosmopolitan character. 
In this event it will have served a most useful purpose and 
will amply repay the time and effort expended. 

The authors' thanks and appreciation are due to Professor 
George Mathew Dutcher of Wesleyan University and to Mr. 
H. F. Biddle of the Plainfield, New Jersey High School, for 
critical reading of the proofs, to Mr. J. C. Ware of the South 
Side High School, Newark, New Jersey, for help in securing 
illustrations, and to Mrs. J. M. Bensing of the North Plainfield, 
New Jersey Schools for assistance with the collateral reading 
references. 

The authors wish to acknowledge their indebtedness for the 
following illustrations: to the Avery Library of Columbia 
University, for several of the illustrations; to Stevens Insti- 
tute, for ''John Stevens's Locomotive;" to the Pennsylvania 
Railroad Company for ''The Modern Locomotive;" to Mr. 
Cornelius Vanderbilt and to the New York Times, for "Le 
Bourget 30th October, 1870" by Detaille; to // Progresso, for 
"The Victor Emmanuel Monument;" and to the New York 
Telephone Company, for "The Telephone Exchange, Old and 
Modern." 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER ONE 

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS IN EUROPE IN THE 

EARLY EIGHTEENTH CENTURY p^Qj. 

1. Introduction i 

2. The establishment of constitutional government in England . . 2 

3. The party system 4 

4. England in 1740 5 

5. The establishment of the power of the monarch in France ... 8 

6. Rise of Russia and decay of Sweden 16 

7. Rise of Prussia 20 

8. The passing of Holland 21 

9. The decay and attempted reviv^al of Spain 22 

10. The great states about 1740 23 

11. The reform movement 23 

12. The philosophers and economists 24 

13. Their influence: the age of enlightened despotism 25 

CHAPTER TWO 

INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL CONDITIONS IN EUROPE IN THE 
EARLY EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 

14. The guild system 32 

15. Government interference with and regulation of industry ... 34 

16. Changes in the guild system 35 

17. The domestic system and the germination of the modern 

factory 36 

18. Domestic trade: its nature and importance 38 

19. Trade routes and transportation facilities 40 

20. Banking facilities 42 

21. The stock exchange 44 

22. Rise and development of the trading company 44 

23. The Portuguese as traders and colonists 47 

24. The Spanish colonial empire : the policy of the Spanish rulers . 48 

25. The Dutch as traders 40 

26. The mercantile system 50 

27. The new science of political economy: its relation to trade 

and industry 53 

V 



vi CONTENTS 

CHAPTER THREE 

THE RIVAL COLONIAL AND COMMERCIAL POWERS AND THE 

COMMERCIAL WARS OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 

PAGE 

28. The older world powers and their decay 57 

29. The expansion of England and France 58 

30. The rivalry between England and France 62 

31. The War of the Spanish Succession and its effects upon colonial 

and commercial development 63 

32. The War of the Austrian Succession 66 

2;^. Colonial interests involved 68 

34. The French and Indian War 70 

35. CHve in India 72 

36. The Seven Years' War 74 

37. Attempts of England to modify her colonial policy 75 

38. The opposition in America 80 

39. The American Revolution 83 

CHAPTER FOUR 

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND THE END OF THE OLD ORDER 
IN FRANCE 

40. The old order and the reform movement in France 90 

41. Class privileges 90 

42. Feudal survivals 91 

43. Financial mismanagement 92 

44. The system of taxation 93 

45. Economic burdens 96 

46. Organization of the government 96 

47. The administration of justice . 97 

48. Condition of the common people 97 

49. Agitation under Louis XV 98 

50. Louis XVI and his efforts at reform 99 

51. Necker and the summoning of the States General loi 

52. Formation of the National Constituent Assembly 104 

53. Interference of Paris: Fall of the Bastille 107 

54. The end of the old order no 

55. Removal of the government to Paris m 

56. The Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Constitution 

of 1791 113 

57. The civil constitution of the clergy and the flight of the king . . 116 

CHAPTER FIVE 

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC AND THE STRUGGLE WITH EUROPE 

58. Decline of the monarchy 122 

59. Rise of clubs and parties 123 



CONTENTS vii 

PAGE 

60. Opposition of the king to the assembly and the outbreak of war 1 26 

61. The abolition of royalty and its consequences 127 

62. The Convention and the declaration of the republic 131 

63. The crisis of 1793 and formation of the Committee of Public 

Safety .^ 135 

64. Work of the Committee of Public Safety 136 

65. Dictatorship of Robespierre and his overthrow 140 

66. The reestablishment of constitutional government 144 

67. The dismemberment of Poland 146 

CHAPTER SIX 

THE NAPOLEONIC ERA 

68. The government and the army in 1795 149 

69. Training and personality of Bonaparte 150 

70. Bonaparte in Italy: Campaign of 1796-7 154 

71. Bonaparte in Egypt 156 

72. Establishment of Bonaparte's power in France 159 

73. The work of peace 162 

74. The establishment of Bonaparte's power in Italy 165 

75. Bonaparte and England 166 

76. Extension of Napoleon's power over central Europe 168 

77. Napoleon's power at its height 171 

78. The influence of the Napoleonic regime 174 

79. The nationalist reaction against Napoleon 176 

80. The Moscow campaign and the War of Liberation 179 

81. The Hundred Days and Waterloo 181 

82. The Congress of Vienna and the reconstruction of Europe ... 182 

CHAPTER SEVEN 

THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 

83. The old manorial system of agriculture and its defects .... 190 

84. Improvements in methods of tillage 192 

85. The revolution in agriculture 194 

86. The nature of the industrial revolution 195 

87. The revolution in the manufacture of textiles 196 

88. Improvements in the iron industry and in pottery 200 

89. The steam engine and its application to industry 201 

90. The revolution in transportation 203 

91. The factory system and its effects 206 

92. The effects of the industrial revolution 209 

93. Growth of socialism 213 

94. The industrial revolution on the continent 215 



viii CONTENTS 

CHAPTER EIGHT 

METTERNICH AND THE STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL 

GOVERNMENT P^qE 

95. Metternich and the reaction in Europe 219 

96. The Tory reaction in England 222 

97. Metternich and the Holy Alliance 225 

98. Struggle for constitutional government 226 

99. Unrest in Germany and the doctrine of intervention 229 

100. The July revolution and its effects 231 

loi. The revolution of 1848 in France 235 

102. The revolution of 1848 in Germany 237 

103. The revolution of 1848 in Austria 240 

104. The revolutionary movement in Italy 242 

105. Results of the revolution of 1848 244 

106. Recognition of the rights of the people in England 245 

107. The reform measures of 1832-3 247 

108. Other social reforms 250 

CHAPTER NINE 

THE ASCENDANCY OF NAPOLEON AND THE NATIONALIST WARS, 
1848-1871 

109. Character and aims of Louis Napoleon 256 

no. The Second Republic and its problems 258 

111. The formation of the Second Empire 260 

112. The new empire and Europe: The Crimean War 262 

113. Mazzini and Cavour and the struggle for Italian unity .... 265 

114. The completion of Italian unity 267 

115. The rise of Prussian leadership in Germany 273 

116. Bismarck and the reform of the army 276 

117. The Seven Weeks' War and the exclusion of Austria from 

Germany 278 

118. Intrigues and enterprises of Napoleon III 281 

119. Outbreak of the Franco-German War 282 

120. The close of the war and the formation of the German Empire . 287 

CHAPTER TEN 

THE EXPANSION OF EUROPE INTO ASIA AND AFRICA 
THE NEAR EAST AND AFRICA 

121. Conditions favorable to the spread of European influence in 

Asia and in Africa 295 

122. European rivalries and the growth of Imperialism 302 

123. The nature and origin of the Near Eastern Question 303 

124. The War for Greek independence 305 

125. The struggle between Turkey and Egypt 307 



CONTENTS ix 

PAGE 

126. Russia and the Crimean War 308 

127. The Russo-Turkish War and the Congress of Berlin 310 

128. The emergence of the Balkan states, 1878-1908 312 

129. The Turkish revolution and its consequences 315 

130. The opening up of Africa by the missionaries and explorers . . 317 

131. England and France in Egypt 320 

132. France, Germany and Italy in Africa" 321 

133. The extension of EngUsh influence in South Africa 324 

CHAPTER ELEVEN 

THE EXPANSION OF EUROPE INTO ASIA AND AFRICA (Continued) 
THE FAR EAST AND THE EUROPEAN WAR OF I914 

134. Origin of the Far Eastern question 326 

135. The awakening of Japan 331 

136. China and its civilization 333 

137. Chino-Japanese War, 1894-5, and its effects 336 

138. The conflict between Russia and Japan 339 

139. Japan as a great power 341 

140. The great colonial powers of the present day 344 

141. The influence of expansion upon the European situation: 

the European War of 1914 349 

CHAPTER TWELVE 

, THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 

142. The domestic problems of individual states in 1870: their 

origin and nature 359 

143. The preponderance of Germany in Europe: maintenance of the 

monarchical principle 363 

144. Bismarck's domestic policy 367 

145. The reign of William H 368 

146. The maintenance of autocracy in Russia 370 

147. Nicholas II and the struggle for representative government . . 374 

148. The Third Republic in France 376 

149. The spread of constitutional government and the extension of the 

suffrage 381 

150. The Irish question and the reform of Parliament 384 

151. The separation of Church and State in Europe 393 

152. The spread of socialism and the increase of social legislation . . 395 

153. Intellectual and scientific progress in Europe 398 

Appendix I. Important Events in European History 407 

Appendix II. General Bibliography 411 

Appendix III. A Synchronological Chart Showing the Rulers of the 

Principal European States from 1688 to 1916 417 

Index 421 



LIST OF MAPS AND PLANS 



PAGE 

Sweden and Russia at the Time of Peter the Great 17 

The Portuguese Colonial Empire about 1550 46 

Spain's Colonial Empire about 1550 49 

The Colonial Empire of Holland about 1650 51 

European Powers in the East about 1700 60 

Western Europe at Outbreak of War of Spanish Succession. {Colored) 

facing 62 
Western Europe at the Close of War of Spanish Succession. {Colored) 

facing 6s 

French Colonial Empire from the 17th to the Early 19th Centuries. . 71 

India before Clive. {Colored) facing 72 

India in 1785. {Colored) facing 72 

Growth of Brandenburg-Prussia 74 

The World (1772). {Colored) facing 82 

British Colonial Empire in 1783 85 

Plan of Revolutionary Paris 109 

France in 1789 114 

France in 1 791 115 

Europe in 1 789. {Colored) facing 178 

Europe in 181 2. {Colored) facing 178 

Industrial England, 1 700-1 750 211 

Industrial England since 1750 • 211- 

Industrial Map of Europe. {Colored) '.facing 215 

Europe in 1815. {Colored) facing 219 

Distribution of Races in Austria-Hungary 223 

Austrian Possessions in 1848 223 

Italy in 1815 269 

Italy, Showing Dates of Unification 269 

German Empire, Showing Dates of Unification 290 

Ottoman Empire in 1878 313 

Ottoman Empire after the Balkan Wars 313 

Africa in 1884. {Colored) facing 318 

Africa in 1914. {Colored) facing 318 

The Far East in 18 15. {Colored) facing 326 

The Far East in 1914. {Colored) facing 326 

Territorial Possessions of Great Britain, 19 14 346 

Territorial Possessions of France, 1914 347 

Territorial Possessions of Germany, 1914 347 

Territorial Possessions of Portugal, 1914 348 

Territorial Possessions of Holland, 1914 348 

Territorial Possessions of the United States, 1914 348 

The Great World War, 1914- 351 

World Colonies and Dependencies, 1914. {Colored) between 358, 359 

Europe in 1914. {Colored) facing 398 

X 



MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



CHAPTER I 

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS IN EUROPE 
IN THE EARLY EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 

1. Introduction. — With the opening of the eighteenth cen- 
tury the history of Europe centres largely about two countries 
whose beginnings carry us back into the early Middle Ages, 
France and England. Germany, or the Holy Roman Empire' as The Holy 
it was officially known, had sunk back into a position of insig- ^°"^*° Empire 
nificance. The religious wars, which closed with the Treaties 
of Westphalia in 1648, had left her so weak politically and so 
exhausted economically that she had ceased to play any con- 
siderable part in European affairs. It was no longer necessary 
for Europe to reckon with Spain, or to fear the weight of her 
influence. This was because of the disasters which had accom- 
panied the efforts of Philip II to stem the tide of Protestantism, 
especially his supreme move, the sending of the Spanish Armada The Spanish 
(1588). Although France, like Germany, had been torn asun- Armada 
der by a series of religious struggles, known as the Huguenot 
Wars (1562-1598), she was fortunate in having at her com- 
mand a succession of great men like Henry IV, Richelieu, and 
Mazarin, who not only healed the wounds occasioned by this France 
long struggle but created by their labors a state so strong as 
immediately to play a leading part in shaping the history of 
all western Europe. The period in her history from 1661 to 
1 715 marks the reign of one of her greatest kings, Louis XIV, ^®"*s XIV 
who practically dominated his age and was the representative 



2 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

ruler of the latter half of the seventeenth century. In the 
Middle Ages the Holy Roman Empire had been the centre of 
interest; then the rising states of France and England. They 
dropped out of sight for a time as the result of the long and 
bitter warfare which began in the reign of the English king, 
Edward III, and with the Reriaissance period Spain became 
the great European state; with the end of the eighteenth 
century, however, France and England came into their own 
again and Spain sank into insignificance. 

2. The Establishment of Constitutional Government in 
England. — England at the beginning of the eighteenth cen- 
tury began to stand for certain lines of development; the 
same thing may also be said of France. In England the people 
had been recognized as the real source of authority, enjoying 
an amount of liberty unknown upon the continent of Europe. 
They had been admitted to an important share in the govern- 
ment and were conspicuous for their share in the management 
of their own affairs. It had been a long struggle. The Stuart 
kings who came to the throne at the very opening of the seven- 
teenth century (1603) tried to rule as absolute monarchs and 
were so unmindful of the rights of the people that the second 
king of that line, Charles I, plunged England into the Great 

The Great Civil War. He was striving to establish his right to rule Eng- 

land without a parliament, denying to the people any partici- 
pation in the government through their representatives. Even 
though for the moment England was ruled by the Rump Par- 
liament, his execution estabhshed the right of the people to 
a voice in their government. When his son, Charles II, was 
restored to the throne in 1660, the right of the people to share 
with the King in the government was clearly recognized, as 
the Declaration of Breda, which outlined the conditions of the 

The Restoration Restoration, provided for the settlement by parliament of such 
vexed questions as the relation between church and state, 
and the rights and privileges to be accorded to those who 
had supported the Puritan cause. Charles II found it neces- 



SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 3 

sary first to select a single man and later a group of men 
to act as intermediaries between himself and parliament, 
that he might work in harmony with their wishes. He 
found these in men like the Earl of Clarendon and the 
Earl of Danby and in the little group known as the Cabal. 
In the latter is to be seen the beginnings of the modern 
cabinet. His successor, James II, however, undertook to rule 
England as tyrannically as had his father, Charles I, before him, 
but not by dismissing parliament. He assumed the right to 
dispense with such laws as interfered with his freedom of ac- 
tion, suspending the operation of others when they came in 
conflict with his authority. His object seems to have been to 
make England Catholic. His subjects, however, rose in rebellion 
and he fled the country, taking refuge at the court of Louis 
XIV in France. This was the Revolution of 1688. Parliament Revolution of 
issued an invitation to his Protestant daughter Mary and her ^^^^ 
husband William of Orange to come over from Holland and 
rule England, and in drawing up the terms upon which the new 
sovereigns should rule the country they established the idea or 
principle firmly in England that parliament was not alone 
equal to the king and a partner with him in the management 
of affairs, but that it was really his superior; that from it he 
derived all his power and authority. This great document was 
known as the Bill of Rights. This, with the Toleration Act of The bui of 
1689, practically removed for all time the question of re- '^ 
ligion from English politics as a paramount issue. The former 
provided in one of its clauses that the ruler must be a member 
of the Church of England; the Toleration Act gave to every The Toleration 
Protestant, other than Unitarians, the right to worship God 
according to the dictates of his own conscience. Catholics were 
excluded from the provisions of the act, as were also the Jews. 
It was long after this before they were permitted to hold political 
office and were allowed the right to worship as they pleased. 
With one exception, that of Prussia, England stood alone 
among the nations of Europe in the recognition of the princi- 



4 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

pie of toleration. It is interesting to note that this principle 
was also recognized at a very early date in certain of our 
The Act of American colonies. The Act of Settlement (1701), which may 
Settlement g^jg^ ^^ considered as one of the direct consequences of the 
Revolution of 1688, made provision for a Protestant succes- 
sion by recognizing the Electress of Hanover as next in suc- 
cession to the branch of Stuarts represented by William and 
Mary and Anne. 

3. The Party System. — ^ At the opening of the eighteenth 
century England was ruled by parties. These were known as 
Whigs and Tories. The party system of government, which is 
so familiar in America to-day, developed in England very slowly 
and had its origin in the reign of Charles II (i 660-1 685). 
The king had tried to show favor to the Catholics by a Decla- 
The Declaration ration of Indulgence, removing some of the restrictions which 
of Indulgence j^^^ 1^^^^^ placed upou them. The result was a great outburst 

and Exclusion ^ ^ _ " ^ 

Bill of opposition from the Protestant element in parliament and 

throughout the country, who even went so far as to try to 
exclude from the throne the king's brother, who was known 
to be a devout Catholic. A bill was introduced called the 
Exclusion Bill, and the supporters of the bill were known as 
Petitioners; its opponents as Abhorrers. The struggle ex- 
tended to the country at large, and the two parties into which 
the people divided gradually came to be known as Whigs and 

The Whigs Torics, designations attached to the Petitioners and Abhorrers 
as nicknames. By the close of the reign of James II, England 
was divided between these two parties, and the invitation sent 
to William and Mary in 1688 was signed by their recognized 
leaders. When William tried to secure the passage through 
parliament of such measures as he desired, he found it necessary 
to consult with the leaders of the majority party. At first 
he tried to use the leaders of both parties, but as the Whigs 
were in the majority at the time he was forced to narrow 
his choice to the single party and formed what was known as 

The Whig Junto ^he Whig Junto. This marked the beginning of what is 



SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 5 

called cabinet government.^ Any measure which the king de- 
sired must first meet with the approval of this group of min- 
isters, who then made it their business to see that it met with 
favorable action at the hands of the party in parliament. They 
stood between the king and parliament and were in the course 
of time looked up to by the country as the real heads of the 
government. George I did not trouble himself to consult with 
each member of his cabinet; he preferred to deal with one of 
their number, who could act as their spokesman, and so the 
office of prime minister arose. It should also be added that The Prime 
this king did not care to attend the meetings of the cabinet, 
as he understood very little of what happened there, because 
of his ignorance of the language ; and this arrangement, 
whereby all business was transacted through a single repre- 
sentative of their number, seemed to answer every need. Wal- 
pole was the first great prime minister (1721-1742), but he Waipoie 
brought the office and the party system into some disrepute 
by his unblushing corruption. He cynically remarked of a 
group in the House of Commons, "Every man has his price," 
and secured and maintained his leadership and that of his 
party in the House of Commons by buying votes, conferring 
titles, bestowing commissions in the army and navy, and 
utilizing the various expedients at his command to secure 
the necessary number of votes for his legislation. 

4. England in 1740. — The English system of party gov- 
ernment, which was the only government of its kind in Europe, 
was thoroughly established by 1740. It could be looked upon 
as essentially democratic in character, i.e., based upon the idea 
that the people were the centre and source of all power. When 
we come to examine the two parties which ruled the country 
at this time, we find that these did not draw their membership 
from the entire male population. In the first place there were 
great numbers who were excluded from voting and holding Voting 
office by the provisions of the Toleration Act and such meas- 
^ See Sec. 2 on the Cabal. 



Representation 



6 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

ures as the Test and Corporation Acts passed in the reign of 
Charles 11. Then again the system of representation, which 
had been fixed long before this time, provided only for the 
representation of certain communities. The conditions of 
voting were fixed at the same time as the representation and 
varied according to the particular district which returned mem- 




An Eighteenth-century Election 
In this spirited engraving by Hogarth, the great cartoonist and satirist 
of the eighteenth century, is shown the method of "PolKng the Vote" at an 
Enghsh election. Voting was by word of mouth, and every opportunity for 
intimidation and fraud existed. This was one of the abuses corrected by law 
during the nineteenth century. 

bers to the House of Commons. In consequence of these ar- 
rangements only the wealthy mercantile and commercial classes 
in the towns and cities and the squires, or country gentlemen 
with considerable estates in the rural districts, enjoyed the right 
either to elect members of parliament or to offer themselves as 
candidates for election to the lower house. These classes, then, 
ruled England through their respective parties. The Whigs were 



SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 7 

powerful in the urban communities; the Tories in the country 
districts. In general the Tories could be found supporting Party Platforms 
the king and royal authority; they were the conservative ele- 
ment in the community. The Whigs, on the other hand, were 
a more aggressive, radical body, inclined to protest against any 
unusual exercise of authority on the part of the king or of his 
ministers. They were keenly interested in the expansion of 
England's trade and in the development of her commerce. 
The Tories naturally represented the agricultural interests of 
the country. 

The gradual increase in the control of parties may be seen 
by examining the reigns of the English rulers from the ac- 
cession of WilHam and Mary through the reign of George I 
(1688-1727). In Anne's reign the queen, though opposed to 
the Whigs, was powerless to prevent the war of the Spanish 
Succession or to bring it to a close. Although war was declared 
by the Tories the struggle was essentially a Whig affair, waged 
to further their commercial interests. The Whigs soon ousted Power of 
the Tories, directing the course of events from 1705 to 17 10. ^^^^^^^ 
The Tories finally succeeded in getting the upper hand and 
concluded a treaty of peace, but quickly lost their advantage 
when George I came to the throne, and his reign marked the 
beginning of a long period of Whig domination. 

The English government then was in the hands of a king whose 
power, in the course of events, had been largely transferred to a 
prime minister, although all business was still transacted in the 
king's name; a cabinet, drawn from the same party as the prime 
minister and largely subject to his control and leadership ; and a 
parliament consisting of two houses but dominated largely by 
the lower house, in which a constant struggle was being waged 
between Whigs and Tories. Neither the cabinet nor prime Relation of 
minister were recognized by law. This very important part of Cabinet to King 
the governmental machinery developed as the result of the 
needs and circumstances of the hour and never received the 
official sanction of parliament. Then, as now, the king ruled 



8 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Power of 
Parliament 



Struggle with 
Louis XIV 



Influence of 
France 



but did not govern. The sovereign was expected to sign every 
bill which had received the approval of the ministry and both 
houses of parliament. Parliament, as has been already shown, 
was not a truly representative body, but was the instrument for 
furthering the interests of the country gentry, or the well-to-do 
trading classes of the towns. In the course of time the king 
simply selected the leader of the party in power in the House 
.of Commons as prime minister, and he in turn selected the 
members of his cabinet. To each of these was usually intrusted 
an important department of government, e.g., foreign affairs, 
finance, the army, navy. 

No less important than these political changes, which created 
a government more liberal than any on the continent, was the 
long struggle with Louis XIV, which began back in the reign of 
Charles II and closed in 1 713. This forms a part of the struggle 
for commercial supremacy between the great states of Europe 
and will be described in detail in that connection.^ By it 
England won an enviable place among the nations of Europe. 
She clearly demonstrated her superiority over the French 
upon the sea and thereby placed herself well in the lead com- 
mercially. She also did much to safeguard the independence 
of the smaller states of Europe and to prevent the building 
up of a great French empire out of their territories and 
Spain's vast possessions. 

5. The Establishment of the Power of the Monarch in 
France. — Throughout the latter part of the 17th century it 
was France who had been acknowledged as leader among the 
great states of Europe. In almost every particular she presented 
a marked contrast to her neighbor across the Channel. Henry 
IV, Richelieu, Mazarin, and Louis XIV had labored to exalt the 
monarch rather than the people to the highest place in the 
government and had succeeded so well that the French monarch 
could boast with much of truth, "I am the state." The reign 
of Louis XIV marked the most brilliant period in French his- 
1 See Chapter in. 



SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 




Louis XIV 



10 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Power of 
the King 



tory. Not only was France feared by her neighbors, but her 
achievements in art and in Hterature, and likewise her institu- 
tions, were widely imitated. The king was not only the centre 
and source of all authority, but he was also the generous patron 
of artists and writers. The luxury and splendor which he en- 
couraged made France the home of beautiful tapestries, fine 
furniture, and stately architecture. The ruler was fond of lik- 




The Gallery or Battles at Versailles 
The Palace at Versailles was the royal residence of Louis XIV and his two 
successors, and now is a great national museum. The most imposing room 
in this wonderful structure is the Gallery of Battles. The floor, inlaid with 
woods of various colors, is beautifully polished. The roof is of glass and costly 
gilding sustained by marble columns in front of each of which, on handsome 
pedestals, are portrait busts of noted generals of France. The glory of the 
hall is its collection of historical paintings representing the battle-fields of 
France, especially the many victories of Napoleon. 

ening himself to the rising sun with the whole world basking in 
his beneficent rays. Louis XIV placed the capstone upon the 
French governmental system, finally concentrating in his own 
person every function of government that really counted, — leg- 
islative, executive, and judicial. No detail of government was 
too trifling for his personal attention; everything must come 



SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 




Examples of Bourbon Magnificence 
These palace interiors with their luxurious furnishings belong to the 
period of Louis XIV and Louis XV. The furniture has been named for 
these monarchs. 



12 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The Court 



The Church 



Revocation 
of the Edict 
of Nantes 



under the king's eye; every important document must bear his 
signature. 

The court of Louis XIV was the most brilHant in all Europe. 
After building for himself a splendid palace at Versailles, he 
attracted thither all the great nobles of the realm, making it a 
prime requisite for political advancement that they should grace 
his court by their presence. When on one occasion a nobleman 
was recommended to him for an appointment, he made answer, 
*'I have not seen him at my court." Court functions of one sort 
or another took up the time of nobles who otherwise might have 
been plotting against the government on their estates or have 
formed the centre of various disaffected groups of subjects. 
The king elevated the most trivial service rendered to his person 
into the most important of state ceremonials, and there was 
great rivalry among his courtiers to perform the most menial 
services, such as to be present when he arose or retired, holding 
perhaps some one of his garments. To amuse this court King 
Louis encouraged the writing of some of the finest French plays. 
Versailles furnished one continuous round of pleasure and 
gayety for its inhabitants. The best of French art was lavished 
upon its decorations; its glories were heralded abroad; and it 
soon became the ambition of the petty princehngs of Europe 
to imitate its splendor and magnificence. 

It was not only the political system which was completely 
under the thumb of the king. The same held true of the 
church. There was no thought of toleration in France. On 
the contrary, the king became more intolerant with the passage 
of time, and in 1685, after a series of persecutions known as 
the dragonnades, he wiped from the statute books of his realm 
the last vestige of the Edict of Nantes, with its guarantees to the 
Huguenots of the right to worship as they pleased. The king's 
one thought seems to have been to leave France a unit as to 
its religion as he had labored to make it a unit as to its govern- 
ment. This was a decided step backward in every particular. 
Its immediate result was to lose to France many of her best 



SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 



13 




14 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



citizens. Some fled to America; others were welcomed in Eng- 
land, in Holland, and in parts of Germany. 

By this time a great gulf had become fixed between the classes 
in France. Three main divisions are readily distinguished, the 
clergy, the nobility, and the third estate. The nobles owed their 
position either to birth (the noblesse de Vepee) or service (the no- 
blesse de la robe). Although there were some members of the 
hereditary nobility who were in close touch with the people, the 
great lords, who held the highest positions in the government, 
were far removed from all contact with the people at large on 
account of the life which they led at Versailles. They were not 
even in touch with the occupants of their great estates, as they 
seldom visited these and left their management in the hands of 
overseers. Many of the nobility lived on the incomes derived 
from pensions granted them by the king and were an economic 
burden upon society. A great barrier separated the nobility 
from the third estate. This class took its name from the fact that 
it was represented in one of the three houses (or estates) of the 
French Estates General, which corresponded roughly to the Eng- 
lish parliament. This body, however, had seldom come together; 
its last session was in 1614. The third estate, or bourgeoisie, as 
it was sometimes called, was composed of well-to-do business 
men, bankers, lawyers, doctors and the like, many of whom 
filled the subordinate administrative positions in the govern- 
ment, which were very numerous on account of its bureaucratic 
nature. The name third estate was also appHed to all who were 
not members of the nobility or clergy and it therefore included 
the peasants, who constituted nearly nine tenths of the entire 
population and had no representation in the Estates General. 
The majority of these were without political rights and pos- 
sessed of no civil standing. Then, too, there were the artisans 
and workers, — about a tenth of the population. Some of the 
latter were to be found among the slum dwellers of Paris and 
the great cities and their lot was wretched beyond description. 

Although the clergy formed the first estate in the Estates 



SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 15 

General, their position is best understood by considering their 
relation to the nobility and the common people. They were 
composed of the higher and lower clergy. The higher clergy The Clergy 
were recruited from the younger sons of noble families, who were 
given high positions in the church which carried with them large 
revenues. The actual duties were in many cases performed by 
the lower clergy, who were recruited from the common people. 
These were the cures or parish priests, who eked out a precari- 
ous living upon their meagre salaries. The higher clergy in 
many cases frequented the court to the neglect of the spiritual 
and material welfare of those committed to their charge. 

France owed her commanding position in Europe in part to 
the perfection of her army. The French armies of the time of The Army 
Louis XIV were the finest in Europe and were commanded by a 
group of brilliant generals. Louvois and Vauban, the one a LouvoIs 
war minister, the other a great engineer and student of defence, ^^^ vauban 
helped to make France the great mihtary power of the time, 
and their work was widely copied. 

The art and literature of Europe were long dominated by 
French ideals. The age of Louis XIV gave birth to such writers Literature 
as Moliere, the famous writer of comedy; Racine, the great 
writer of tragedy; Boileau, the critic; La Fontaine, the Aesop 
of his day; the brilliant letter writer, Madame de Sevigne; and 
many others whose works became models for the rest of Europe. 
French art, with representatives like Claude Lorrain, the land- Art 
scape artist; Le Brun, the well-known decorator of the palace of 
Versailles; and Mansard, whose name has been attached to a 
peculiar type of roof, also exercised its magic power over Europe. 
"In literature," says Macaulay, "France gave laws to the en- 
tire world." This sort of supremacy to some extent compen- 
sated her for a gradual loss of her political power, for with the 
death of Louis XIV France passed into a period far less glorious 
and marked by many more failures than had been true of the 
age of Le Grand Monarque. Louis himself had failed largely 
because of England's opposition. Although still counted a 



1 6 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

power of the first rank France politically was gradually giving 
way to England and to other powers on the continent. 

6. Rise of Russia and Decay of Sweden. — The age which 
had witnessed the glories of the personal rule of Louis XIV saw 




Peter the Great Studying Ship-building 

In 1697 Peter the Great visited the countries of western Europe to study 
their institutions. Here he is seen examining the model of a ship. After 
studying ship-building he returned to Russia and created a fleet. 

the gradual rise of two new states in eastern Europe, Russia 
Peter the Great and Prussia. Russia was largely the creation of Peter the 
Great, who, yielding to the spell of western methods of govern- 
ment and western habits of thinking, tried to transform his 
Oriental country into an Occidental. It was a gigantic task 
which he undertook, but he at least succeeded in one thing, and 



SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 




1 8 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

that was in making Russia from this time forward a factor to be 
reckoned with in any movement on the continent of Europe. 
In his young manhood, partly as the result of travel, Peter came 
in contact with natives of Germany, Holland, and England and 




Moscow 
A view of modern Moscow from the Temple of Our Saviour. 



so was not influenced to any great extent by French ideals, 
but the tremendous influence which France continued to exer- 
cise after the death of Louis XIV was felt in Russia in the reigns 
of his immediate successors and is another proof of the greatness 
of the period of Louis XIV. At the accession of Peter the 
Great (1682) Russia was the most backward of countries, re- 
sembHng in much of its life, customs, and organization, the 



SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 19 

Chinese Empire at the close of the last century. Peter was a 
believer* in the absolutist idea of government, and in order to 
build up a powerful monarchy he found it necessary to restrict 
the power of the nobles, as had been done in France in the days 
of Richelieu and Mazarin. No detail of life was too trivial for 
the watchful eye of the Tsar, as the ruler of Russia was called; 
and we find him even prescribing the cut of the clothes of his 
people and forbidding the wearing of beards, in order that they 
might in outward appearance at least resemble their western 
neighbors. The tremendous energy which marked everything Founding of 
which he undertook is illustrated in the building of St. Peters- p^^^'os'^^ 
burg, or Petrograd, as it is now called. He was desirous of 
building himself a new capital and selected as a site the marshy 
district lying along the Neva River. It was an almost super- 
human task to erect the beautiful city which commemorates 
his name. His success is attested by its broad streets and fine 
monuments. In the building of it he hoped to realize the more 
quickly his dominant ambition of westernizing his people by 
cutting them off from those associations which suggested their 
barbarous past, for Moscow had long been the capital of the 
empire. Peter also set himself to the task of reorganizing the The Army 
Russian army on western Hues and creating a navy. This ^^ ^*^ 
latter effort was beset with great difficulties, as the Russians 
had a dread of the water and Russia had no port which was 
free from ice for any great part of the year. 

Peter the Great reasoned that to make Russia a western 
nation his country must have an outlet toward the west upon 
the Baltic, by which she would be in direct contact with civiHzed 
Europe. In his efforts to effect this result, which he regarded 
as one of the most important in connection with his westernizing 
policies, he had a great rival to overcome in the person of the 
ruler of Sweden, Charles XII, whose one ambition seems to Charles xn 
have been to rival the miHtary exploits of Alexander the °^ Sweden 
Great. A desperate struggle ensued between the two, in which, 
though beaten at the outset, the persistence of the Tsar 



20 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Acquisitions 
of Russia 



finally triumphed, and he was ceded a large area, including 
the provinces of Livonia, Esthonia, and Ingria, all* border- 
ing upon the Baltic. From this time forward Sweden steadily 
lost ground and ceased to exercise any real influence upon her 
neighbors. It was also a part of the plan of Peter the Great 
to secure for Russia her present water front upon the Black 
Sea, but he was unable to make much headway against the 
Turks, who blocked his path. 

Peter the Great turned over to his successors a state of the 
absolutist type, strong enough and enterprising enough from 
thenceforth to play an important part in the solution of all 
questions of moment which might arise in the west. Russia 
had already cast an envious eye upon Poland, blocking as it did 
the most direct route into the heart of western Europe. Poland 
was not only weak in its organization, but was torn asunder by 
internal strife. 

7. Rise of Prussia. — The other eastern state now and 
henceforth to be reckoned with was Prussia. This state was 
gradually beaten into shape by the efforts of the ancestors of 
the dynasty which rules modern Germany. One of the Electors 
of the Holy Roman Empire, the Elector of Brandenburg, had 
been cefied the territory known as Prussia (1618), and in 1701, 
for certain services rendered the Emperor, had been permitted 
to assume the title of King in Prussia. The first of these kings 
was Frederick I, who imitated Louis XIV in maintaining a luxu- 
rious court. His successor, Frederick William, however, prac- 
tised the most rigid economy and accumulated a considerable 
treasure for those days. This he left to his son at his death in 
1740, along with a well-equipped army, which had been his chief 
joy and pride. He had earned the title of the Drill Sergeant of 
Europe and delighted in tall, soldierly-looking recruits for his 
army. As the army was composed of volunteers, recruiting 
was not confined to Prussia alone. He is said to have scoured 
Europe in order to fill the ranks of his regiment of giants with 
creditable material. The army became the mainstay of the Prus- 



^ SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 2i 

sian government, the rulers trusting through it to make an im- 
pression upon their neighbors and to satisfy their ambitions for 
a larger and more powerful kingdom. Obligatory military ser- 
vice was introduced in 1733, and all recruits were subjected to a 
rigid discipline. The Prussian system of training demanded that 
each man move with machine-like precision as part of a great 
organization. "The soldiers were taught to load their guns in 
twelve movements. When a battalion fired, one ought to see 
but one flash and hear but one report." As the officers were 
drawn from the ranks of the nobility, there was but httle chance 
of promotion for the common soldier. The officers, however, 
were hkewise subjected to thorough drill and disciphne, and 
the Prussian army became in time the model for many of its 
neighbors. 

The Prussian government furnished a good illustration of an Absolutism 
administrative system of the absolutist type. Like Peter the Qoyg^gnt 
Great, Frederick William claimed the right to regulate every- 
thing. The ruler, however, did not permit the whole burden of 
government to be borne by the peasant, but subjected the 
nobility of the land as well to the burden of taxation. The 
interest of the governed was uppermost in the mind of the ruler, 
but the measures enacted by the royal despot must at times have 
appeared harsh and unjust. 

8. The Passing of Holland. — On the western fringe of con- 
tinental Europe lay a small state which in the preceding century 
and a half had occasioned no little stir in the world at large. 
This collection of provinces was known as the Protestant 
Netherlands, or Holland, and its independence had been tardily 
recognized when the Treaties of Westphalia were signed in 
1648. Long before this time it had begun to send out its 
explorers and traders. Following in the track of the Portuguese, Dutch Trading 
the Dutch had laid hands upon many of the eastern possessions P^^*t'°°s 
of Portugal, as the grasp of the mother country grew weaker and 
weaker. The colonial empire which Dutch enterprise created 
extended at one time from New Netherlands and Brazil in the 



22 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The Navigation 
Acts 



Designs of 
Louis XIV 
upon Spain 



Cardinal 
Alberonl 



Western hemisphere to the shores of India, the Malay peninsula, 
and the East Indies in the far East. The hold of Holland 
weakened in turn, and by the middle of the eighteenth century 
her influence among the states of Europe had practically ceased; 
at the same time she had lost much of her trade and territory. 
This was in part the result of hostile English legislation by which 
her rivals across the Channel strove with Navigation Acts and 
the like to wrest from the Dutch the coveted trade and territory. 
When legislation did not succeed they resorted to force, eventu- 
ally destroying the Dutch power on the sea, notably in the reign 
of Charles II, when New Netherlands was captured (1664). 

9. The Decay and Attempted Revival of Spain. — Spain, 
which had once been the terror of England and the Protestant 
west, had long ceased to trouble Europe, and throughout the 
seventeenth century had been blundering along, trying half- 
heartedly to retrieve the mistakes of her past. In the period 
of Louis XIV, Spain's territorial possessions had been at the 
same time the goal and stumbling block of the ambitions of 
Le Grand Monarque. Jealousy and fear on the part of his 
neighbors, however, robbed him of much of the spoil which he 
counted as rightfully his. Philip V, a member of the House 
of Bourbon and a grandson of Louis XIV, was placed upon 
the Spanish throne as the result of the War of the Spanish 
Succession, and in any European difficulty from this time for- 
ward it was to be expected that Spain would be found on the 
side of France (sec. 32). 

With the coming into power of Cardinal Alberoni (1713- 
17 19), Spain was once more thrust into prominence, and it 
looked for the moment as though she might shape somewhat 
the destinies of Europe, particularly those of Italy. Alberoni 
was an Italian by birth who had attained his position of eminence 
by practising in turn the arts of actor, jester, and chef, and had 
finally brought about the marriage of the king of Spain to an 
Italian princess. His ambition was to restore to Spain some 
of her former power and greatness and to drive Austria from 



SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 23 

Italy. Although somewhat successful in lifting his adopted 
country from her sloth, corruption, and superstition, his care- 
fully laid plans came to naught. Thus, although Spain seemed 
to be ''coming back" to take a prominent place among her 
neighbors, it soon bec9,me apparent that this position was not 
to be maintained. 

10. The Great States about 1740. — In the middle of the The Great 
eighteenth century, then, the immediate future of Europe Powers and 
seemed to lie in the hands of England, France, Russia, and 
Prussia. The Holy Roman Empire as a political organization 
counted for comparatively little in the great movements of the 
eighteenth century. This could not be said of Austria, whose 

rulers had so long borne the empty title of Emperor. The 
activities of such aggressive sovereigns as Maria Theresa and 
Joseph II have much to do with European progress. Each of 
the four great powers, however, had its peculiar weakness. In 
England it was the temporary dearth of far-sighted men to 
secure and maintain for her the position which she had won by 
her long struggle with Louis XIV. French civilization, rather 
than the French rulers, gave France her prestige. Finally, 
Prussia and Russia had much to do before they could claim the 
rank 'and place of great European powers. 

11. The Reform Movement. — A series of changes now 
began to manifest themselves which heralded the dawn of a new 
era. This reform movement, as it might be called, started 
with a change along intellectual lines. No great change in 
government, no great shifting of power from one great state to 
another, but has had its origin in the mind of an individual or a 
group of individuals. 

The influence of ideas upon the current of a country's history Nature of the 
is illustrated in Shakespeare, where he makes Caesar say of Movement 
Cassius, ''He thinks too much: such men are dangerous" 
(Julius Caesar, Act I, Sc. 2). It was the thinking class whom 
the great Roman had feared in his plans to control the Roman 
world. Europe now began to look at some things differently 



24 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

— to see them in a new light. The rulers and people of Europe 
The Old Ideas in the century just passed had entertained peculiar ideas of gov- 
ernment and religion, ideas quite foreign to those of the masses 
today. Even their ideas of how trade and commerce should 
be carried on were very crude from the standpoint of our 
methods of conducting business. These were now beginning to 
change and become more like those of today. The educated, 
thinking classes — the literary men — were responsible for these 
changes. As France had been a centre of intellectual activity 
(sec. 5) in the age of Louis XIV, it is natural to look for the 
origin of the movement there. The real source of these new 
Origin of the ideas, however, was not in France but in England, as England 
New Ideas j^g^^j jj^ Certain lines, notably in religion and in government, 
advanced much farther than the other states of Europe. We 
find Englishmen beginning to describe their peculiar form of 
government and to express their ideas about government, 
especially as to the rights of individuals and the meaning of 
liberty. Their experiences in trade and commerce, too, led them 
to conceive new ideas as to the meaning of trade and commerce 
to a nation and to form new plans for advancing these. Intol- 
erance in religion and absolutism in government characterized 
almost every other state in Europe. The reign of Louis XIV 
illustrates these conditions and shows how firmly rooted were 
these ideas. 

12. The Philosophers and Economists. — The men who first 
gave vigorous expression to these new ideas were known as 
philosophers and economists. Of the rise of the new science of 
economics, or political economy, something will be said later. 
In England, as has been pointed out, the idea of divine right 
and reHgious intolerance had already been dealt a severe blow 
in the Great Civil War and in the Revolution of 1688. John 
John Locke Locke now appeared (1632-1704) to justify these changes in 
his Letters on Tolerance and particularly in his writings on 
government. He maintained that the government ''has been 
formed through a contract between the citizens constituting the 



SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 25 

nation; they have made a covenant with each other for their 
common good advantage." There was no place in a govern- 
ment Hke this for an absolute monarch. On the other hand, 
there was the possibility of enjoying a maximum amount of 
personal liberty. Under the successors of Louis XIV these 
ideas found their way into France and began to be taken up 
and discussed by the intellectual classes there, who were grow- 
ing weary of the inefficiency and intolerance which cursed their 
own land. Voltaire (1694-1778) and Montesquieu (1689-1755), 
two of the greatest writers of this time, visited England Voitaire 
and resided there for a time. The former, in his Letters on 
the English and in his Philosophical Dictionary, attacked the 
abuses of his time and stirred the thinking class mightily by his 
criticisms. He made the church with its emphasis upon form 
and ceremony, its persecutions and inquisitions, the special 
object of his attacks. Montesquieu was a great admirer of Montesquieu 
the English system of government and, in his Spirit of the Laws, 
gave his countrymen a fairly accurate description of the Eng- 
Ush system. These two great pioneers were followed in the 
next generation by a group of brilliant pamphleteers, novelists, 
and essayists, who criticised right and left and demanded the 
reform of existing evils. Rousseau (171 2-1 778) was one of the Rousseau 
most influential of these, embodying in story form his idea 
that government should be so constituted as to afford the widest 
possible liberty of action to the individual. This was the 
novel Emile. Diderot (17 13-1784) conceived the idea of a 
Dictionary, or Encyclopaedia, which should embody the sum 
total of human knowledge, and with the help of a brilliant group 
of writers produced a series of volumes filled with cutting 
criticisms and suggested reforms. 

13. Their Influence : The Age of Enlightened Despotism. — 
The brilliant, interesting style of these writers, and the various 
forms in which they put forth their ideas, in satires, romances, 
letters, etc., gave them a wide hearing, not only in France but 
throughout those parts of Europe in which France had come to 



26 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The Enlight- 
ened Despot 



Abuses of 
the Time 



be SO much admired and imitated. Certain of these ideas 
commended themselves to some of the rulers and statesmen of 
the time, who sought to put them into practice. This effort 
gave rise to the so-called Age of Enlightened Despotism. At 
first sight it would seem, curiously enough from our modern point 
of view, that in many cases the most despotic rulers were among 
those who most eagerly accepted these new ideas. Although 
they regarded themselves as absolute masters in their respective 
countries, they came to take a higher and more exalted view 
of their position as rulers. This did not mean that they had 
any higher ideals of serving their fellow men. They saw 
rather an opportunity of breaking some of the fetters which 
the church had imposed upon them, or again a chance to im- 
prove upon their administrative machinery. The state was 
all in all to them; their subjects were merely pawns on a 
chessboard to be moved about at will. They were first ser- 
vants of the state, owing a duty to govern it along lines which 
made for its greater strength and efficiency. They brooked 
no opposition to their plans, and seldom if ever took their 
subjects into their confidence. They treated them rather as 
children who did not know what was for their best interest. 
In many states, where the monarch himself was not gripped by 
this new conception of government, great ministers were to 
be found who accepted these ideas and were guided by them. 
There existed in almost every state on the continent survivals 
of feudalism, cumbrous and inefficient systems of law, crude 
methods of administering justice, inadequate school faciUties, 
various restrictions upon the writing and printing of books and 
newspapers; in short, innumerable outworn devices for curbing 
the liberty and development of mankind upon the poHtical, 
intellectual, moral, and even economic side, which blocked all 
true progress. 

The activities of a single ruler will illustrate the work 
attempted in this period, beginning with about 1740. The 
experiences of Joseph II, ruler of Austria (i 765-1 790), might be 



SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 



^7 



taken as typical of those of his fellow-workers, and the list of 
reforming rulers and ministers would include Frederick the 
Great of Prussia, Catherine II of Russia, and less known but 
interesting exponents of these ideas in Spain, Denmark, Portugal, 
and in the small states of Italy. Frederick the Great once said 
of Joseph II, ''He always took 
the second step before he had 
taken the first." Some authori- 
ties maintain that he sincerely 
loved his people, but he rushed 
into one project after the other 
for their improvement without 
allowing time for his subjects to 
recover from the bewilderment 
and consternation with which 
they beheld the disappearance 
of many of their cherished 
ideals and customs. He sup- 
pressed those religious orders 
which he considered a burden 
upon his people; reformed the 

educational system, taking from the church its monopoly of edu- 
cation; abolished the death pendlty, save for offences against 
the state; abolished serfdom in many of his provinces; and 
sought to unify his great empire as to taxation and adminis- 
tration. Much of his work, however, died with him. He made 
the great mistake of trying "to hustle" his people, such as that 
against which Kipling later warned his own countrymen in their 
plans for India. 

Not only were serfdom and slavery abohshed, as in Denmark 
and Portugal; the laws codified, as in Prussia and in Russia; 
universities founded, cities erected, freedom of the press encour- 
aged, road-making and harbor improvement undertaken, but 
these reforming rulers and administrators labored zealously to 
curtail the power of the church by depriving the Jesuits of 




Catherine The Great 



Joseph II of 
Austria and his 
Reforms 



Catherine II 



The 
Bureaucracy 



A Preparation 
for Modem Life 



28 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

many of their powers and privileges and by dealing a final blow 
at the nefarious system of the Inquisition. Catherine II and 
Frederick II prided themselves on the friendship of the leading 
French advocates of these reforms and maintained a voluminous 
correspondence with the learned men of the time. In 1771 
Catherine II sent the German philosopher Grimm the following 
report of her accomplishments: 

Governments set up according to the new form 29 

Towns established and built 144 

Conventions and treaties concluded 30 

Victories won 78 

Memorable edicts bearing upon law or establishment ... 88 
Edicts for the relief of the people 123 

Total 492 1 

Two important results of this manifold activity are to be noted. 
Much of the work done was premature and did not endure. 
The rulers who became the centre and source of these under- 
takings were of necessity forced to organize their governments 
on the bureaucratic model, that is, to employ men to carry out 
their undertakings. These in turn, because of the amount of 
detail involved by their tasks, had to maintain a host of clerks 
and build up a complicated machine loaded down with a vast 
amount of red tape. By their efforts, however, these reforming 
rulers prepared the way for the final great change from mediaeval 
conditions of living to our modern ways of doing things. In 
fact Europe stood upon the threshold of modern development, 
as will be more clearly seen when we examine the great eco- 
nomic changes which began to sweep these countries. 

SUGGESTIVE TOPICS AND QUESTIONS FOR 
FURTHER STUDY 

I. Comment upon the description of the Holy Roman Empire, that it 

was neither "Holy, Roman, nor an Empire." 2. Give the terms of the 

Declaration of Breda. 3. Explain the origin of the terms "petitioners" 

and "abhorrers." 4. Describe what was done to strengthen the French 

^ Quoted in Seignobos, Contemporary Civilization, p. 82. 



SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 29 

monarchy by Henry IV, Richelieu, and Mazarin. 5. What were the "dragon- 
nades? " 6. Under what circumstances had previous meetings of the Estates 
General been held? 7. Give a brief characterizing statement of the work of 
the artists and authors mentioned in this section. 8. Describe Peter the 
Great's visit to Western European countries, and estimate its effects on his 
later career. 9. Review the history of the rise of the Dutch Republic. 

10. Describe the loss of New Netherlands by Holland. 11. Give brief 
character sketches of Locke, Voltaire, Montesquieu, and Rousseau. 
12. Give instances of the policy of Frederick the Great and Catherine the 
Great as benevolent despots. 13. How did these rulers prepare the way 
for the final change from mediaeval to modern conditions? 14. Discuss the 
beginnings of reform in the punishment of crime. 

Collateral Reading 

I. The Establishment of Constitutional Government in England. 

1. The state of England in 1685. (Macaulay) Tuell and Hatch, 

Readings in English History, pp. 286-309. 

2. The England of Queen Anne. (Morris) Ihid., pp. 335-44. 

3. The Stuart restoration. Larson, Short History of England, 

pp. 374-96. 

4. The Whig revolution. Ibid., pp. 397-415. Hayes, Modern 

Europe, Vol. I, pp. 286-90. 

5. England and Louis XIV. Larson, pp. 416-36. 

6. The rule of the Whigs. Ibid., pp. 437-54. 

7. Walpole and his system. Beard, English Historians (Morley), 

pp. 466-77. 

11. The Establishment of the Power of the Monarchy in France. 

1. France before Louis XIV. Robinson and Beard, Development of 

Modem Europe, Vol. I, pp. 4-6. Hayes, Vol. I, pp. 235-8. 

2. Louis XIV. Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 6-10. 

3. Reforms of Colbert. Ibid., pp. 10-3. Johnson, Enlightened 

Despot, pp. 13-9. Hayes, Vol. I, pp. 238-40. 

4. Europe and Louis XIV. Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 14-33. 

Hayes, Vol. I, pp. 242-8. 
HI. The Rise of Russia and Prussia until the Death of Frederick 
THE Great. 

1 . Peter the Great plans to make Russia a European power. Rob- 

inson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 50-5. Seignobos, Contemporary 
Civilization, pp. 17-28. Hayes, Vol. I, pp. 369-79. 

2. Rise of Prussia. Robnson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 55-60. 

3. Frederick the Great and Maria Theresa. Ibid., pp. 60-8. 

4. Germany as it was in 1740. Priest, Germany since 1740, 

pp. i-io. 

5. Frederick and Germany in time of peace. Ibid., pp. 23-34. 

6. The rise of the Prussian monarchy. Henderson, Short History 

of Germany, Vol. II, pp. 1-43. 



30 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

IV. The. Philosophers and Economists. 

I Voltaire, Diderot, Montesquieu, Rousseau, Beccaria, Turgot, 
Adam Smith. Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 167-83. 
Hayes, Vol. I, pp. 419-21. 

2. Voltaire. Lowell, Eve of the French Revolution, pp. 51-70. 

3. Montesquieu. Ibid., pp. 126-54. 

4. The Encyclopaedia. Ibid., pp. 243-61. 

5. Rousseau. Ibid., pp. 274-322. Hayes, Vol. I, pp. 422-5. 
V. The Age of Enlightened Despotism. 

1. The reforms of Frederick XL Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 

184-7. Hayes, Vol. I, pp. 441-3. 

2. Catherine II. Hayes, Vol. I, p. 443. Robinson and Beard, 

Vol. I, pp. 187-8. 

3. Joseph II. Ibid., pp. 189-90. Seignobos, pp. 76-80; Johnson, 

Chapter X. Hayes, Vol. I, pp. 445-8. 

4. Pombal in Portugal. Seignobos, pp. 83-6. 

Source Studies 

1. The Declaration of Breda. Cheyney, Readings in English History, 

PP- 505-7- 

2. The Bill of Rights. Ibid., pp. 545-7; Hill, Liberty Documents, 

Chapter IX. 

3. Richelieu and his pohcy. Robinson, Readings in European History, 

Vol. II, pp. 268-72. 

4. Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. Ibid., pp. 287-93. 

5. Peter the Great and his poHcy. Robinson and Beard, Readings m 

Modern European History, Vol. I, pp. 57-63. 

6. Bossuet's work on kingship. Ibid., pp. 5-8. 

7. Saint Simon's portrait of Louis XIV. Ibid., pp. 8-10. 

8. Comments of Frederick the Great on various petitions. Ibid., pp. 205-8. 

9. Voltaire on Francis Bacon. 76 jc?., pp. 179-82. 

10. Montesquieu's theory of the state. /&?</., pp. 191-2. 

11. Rousseau's Emile. Review the book. 

12. Beccaria's views on crime and punishment. Robinson and Beard, 

Readings, Vol. I, pp. 193-6. 

13. Diderot and the encyclopaedists. 7&/^., pp. 185-8. 

14. Frederick the Great's views as to the king's duties. Ibid., pp. 202-5. 

15. Impressions of Catherine II. Ibid., pp. 210-3. 

16. Joseph II's ideas of government, /^i^/., pp. 213-7. 

Suggestions for Map Work 

I. On an outline map show the growth of the Russian Empire in Europe. 
2. Of the kingdom of Prussia to the death of Frederick the Great. 3. On 
an outline map of Italy show the transfers of territory in 17 13, 1720, 1738. 



SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 31 

Map References 

Shepherd, Historical Atlas. Holt. Europe about 1740, pp. 130-1. 
The growth of Russia in Europe, pp. 138-9. 

Muir, School Atlas of Modern History. Holt. The growth of Bran- 
denburg-Prussia, p. 20. Growth of the Hapsburg dominions (Austria), 
p. 21. Dutch colonial empire in seventeenth century, p. 38. The Dutch 
in America, p. 42. 

Dow, Atlas of Modern History. Holt. France from the Reformation to 
the Revolution, p. 20. Europe after the Peace of Utrecht, p. 21; Growth 
of Prussia, p. 22; Dechne of Sweden, p. 23. 

Bibliography 

Beard. Introduction to the English Historians. Macmillan. 

Cheyney. Readings in English History. Ginn. 

Guedalla. - Partition of Europe, 1715-1815. Oxford University Press. 

Hayes, The Political and Social History of Modern Europe, Volume \, 

Macmillan. 
Henderson. Short History of Germany. (Two volumes in one) Macmillan. 
Hill. Liberty Documents. Longmans. 

Johnson. Age of Enlightened Despot, 1660-1789. Macmillan. 
Larson. Short History of England. Holt. 
Longman. Frederick the Great. Longmans. 
Lowell. The Eve of the French Revolution. Houghton Mifflin. 
Priest. Germany since 1740. Ginn. 

Robinson. Readings in European History, Volume II, Ginn. 
Robinson and Beard. Development of Modern Europe. Volume I. Ginn. 
Robinson and Beard. Readings in Modern European History, Vol. I. Ginn. 
Rousseau, Emile. Heath. 

Seignobos. Contemporary Civilization. Scribner. 
Tuell and Hatch. Readings in English History. Ginn. 



CHAPTER II 

INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL CONDITIONS IN EUROPE 
IN THE EARLY EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 

14. The Guild System. — In order to understand the con- 
dition of industry in Europe in the early eighteenth century, 
before the changes referred to in the preceding chapter, it is 
necessary to review the part taken by the guilds in manufactur- 

The Guild ing. The oldest form of the guild was the guild merchant, formed 

Merchant ^^ those engaged in trade. The members of these guilds en- 

joyed certain privileges, such as exemption from some forms of 
taxation and the sole right to deal in particular articles, and 
they usually controlled the town government. When organ- 
ized for political purposes, the prominent merchants formed 
what is called a commune and were able to demand a town char- 
ter from the lord on whose land the town was situated. Thus 
many rights of self-government were won for the towns by 
these men, who had banded themselves together primarily in 
the interests of their business. 

In later mediaeval times the guild merchant declined in power, 
and the artisans in particular trades organized similar associa- 

The Craft Guild tions known as craf t guilds. These resembled our trade unions 
in that they were formed to promote particular industries by 
fixing prices and maintaining standards of excellence in 
workmanship; but they differed widely from the unions in that 

The Craft they contained both employers and employees. The guild had 

as its rule that a craftsman should labor just as earnestly for the 
good repute of his craft as for his own advancement. Typical 
guilds were those of the weavers, dyers, furriers, masons, and 
goldsmiths. 



Guild vs. the 
Trade Union 



INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL CONDITIONS 33 

The chief functions of the craft guild were to protect the trade, Purposes 



and 



to Standardize production, to prevent fraud, and to create a Organization of 

, • , , • r • , ti^e Guild 

monopoly, that is, to regulate the price of the articles manu- 
factured by the guild. For example, none but members of the 
goldsmiths' guild were allowed to work in metal in a town, and 
definite rules for the manufacture of golden chains, rings, etc., 
insured the production of articles of standard fineness and 
workmanship. Severe penalties awaited the dishonest manu- 
facturer. The craft was protected from untrained workers by 
rules governing the length of apprenticeship before admittance 
into the privileges of the guild. There were three grades of Grades of 
workmen: the apprentice, the journeyman, and the master w°*"'™«° 
workman. After an apprenticeship of from three to ten years, 
the workman entered the grade of journeyman. He was then 
sent forth from his own shop to visit those of other master work- 
men to study their methods and designs. After a suitable 
preparation, if the masters of his craft were convinced of his 
fitness, he might set up a shop of his own and employ other 
apprentices and journeymen. He then became a master work- 
man. 

The rule governing the length of service necessary before Advantages and 
admittance into all the rights of the guild tended to make well- ^/t^t^^ur^ 
trained and careful workmen, but at the same time it doubtless System 
discouraged many from attempting to improve their condition. 
The rule requiring a standardization of manufacturing raised the 
general quality above what it would have been without the rule, 
yet it discouraged improvements in methods of work or in form 
of design. An important influence was exerted by the guilds 
over the behavior of their members, and thus the guilds were a 
factor for nobler living. The guilds also provided against 
sickness and looked after the widows and orphans of deceased 
craftsmen. Perhaps the greatest service rendered by the guilds 
was the added strength given the cause of town liberty by these 
groups of men who had learned to work together in a common 
cause. 



34 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Control 
of Wages 



Debasing 
the Currency 



Confiscation of 
Guild Property 



Monopolies 



15. Government Interference witjh and Regulation of Indus- 
try. — In addition to the control exercised by the craft guild, 
industry for some centuries past had been subjected to strict 
government control and regulation. This is best illustrated in 
France and England, for with the close of the Middle Ages these 
nations began to concern themselves with industrial conditions. 
As early as 13 51 England had its Statute of Laborers, fixing 
wages where they had been before the Black Death. This 
law was followed by others of a similar nature and from 1389 
to 181 1 ''wages were alternately fixed by acts of parliament 
and summary decisions of justices." ^ 

A governmental practice which seriously interfered with in- 
dustry and trade was that of debasing the currency. This up- 
set all business and made it difficult for employer and employee 
to adjust themselves to the changing conditions. This practice, 
however, gradually died out in England with the opening of the 
seventeenth century, but on the continent it continued even 
into the eighteenth century. In France the practice was abol- 
ished in 1726 during the ministry of Cardinal Fleury. 

As time passed the craft guild became the object of govern- 
ment attack. This began during the Reformation period, under 
the Tudors in England. The guilds at this time owned con- 
siderable property, some of which had been left them by former 
members, on condition that they would always maintain a 
priest whose duty it should be to conduct religious services 
for the benefit of the soul of the one who had made the gift. 
Now these guild lands came under the condemnation of the 
reforming ministers of the Tudors and were confiscated to the 
crown. Deprived of their extensive real estate and stripped 
of their religious character, the guilds struggled on with con- 
stantly decreasing strength and effectiveness. Industry was 
not only handicapped by legislation of this character, but by 
the grant of special privileges or monopolies. During the same 

^ See Bland, English Economic History: Select Documents, pp. 313- 
362, 543-616. 



INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL CONDITIONS 35 

period in England, an important economic revolution was all 
but completed whereby England changed from a wool-exporting 
to a wool-manufacturing country. No longer shipping her wool 
to the Flemish towns, she manufactured it at home. Particular 
towns made great efforts to secure the sole right to make certain 
kinds of commodities. The English rulers, for a compensation, 
granted such monopoHes to certain towns, as Worcester and 
York, and this practice tended naturally to retard the growth of 
manufactures elsewhere in England. 

16. Changes in the Guild System. — At the same time 
marked changes appeared in the conditions of manufacturing. 
The old-time guild structure took on new forms; industries 
formerly peculiar to certain towns spread out into country 
districts, while at the same time these towns lost their pre- 
eminence in trade. Instead of a definite progress from appren- changes in 
tice to master craftsman, many artisans continued permanently Organization 
to occupy subordinate positions in the craft with no hope of ad- 
vancement. This was due in part to the selfish poHcy of the 
masters in the craft, who wxre unwilling to grant to their em- 
ployees that share in the profits of production to which admis- 
sion into all the privileges of the craft would entitle them. 
Then, too, as time passed §ome such measures seemed necessary 
to limit competition. Another cause was the lack of sufficient 
capital or ambition on the part of the employees. Guilds 
within guilds now appeared, such as ''yeomen" or "journey- 
men guilds," which lacked the general control over the trade 
possessed by the older guilds, but yet were able to control 
the rates of wages and conditions of labor to some extent. 
The wealthier masters donned suits of livery to distinguish 
themselves from less fortunate employers, and thus a class 
distinction arose within the ranks of the master workmen. 
The members of the "Livery Companies" ceremonially greeted The Livery 
important personages on their entry into the town, and gave ^°™p*^®^ 
a touch of dignified lustre to great functions. Nor did all the 
members in livery control the affairs of the guild; these came to 



of Cloth 



36 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

be administered by a Court of Assistants, consisting of a small 
group of wardens and other officials, who were at first elected 
at large from the members of the guild. After a time, however, 
vacancies in this board of control were filled by the Court of 
Assistants, and thus the guilds came to be dominated by a 
small, self -perpetuating group, whose policy was aristocratic 
and narrow. 

17. The Domestic System and the Germination of the 
Modern Factory. — The rigorous laws against engaging in man- 
ufacturing in a town without permission of the guild of that 
particular craft brought forth a new form of organization of 
industry which is known as the ''domestic system." A good 
example of this is found in the manufacture of clothing. A 
group of merchants appeared, known as "clothiers or merchant 
clothiers." Possessing a certain amount of capital, they pur- 
Manufacture chased the raw material and distributed it among spinners, 
weavers, and other craftsmen, paying them for the services 
which they rendered in connection with the various processes 
of cloth making. They also supplied in some cases the looms. 
The finished product was disposed of by the clothiers, who 
thus were a new kind of employers, hiring master workmen to 
work for them for a wage, much as ^ general contractor today 
distributes by sub-contract the various portions of his con- 
tracts. There were also spinners and weavers who owned their 
own looms and supplied their own wool, disposing of the fin- 
ished product in the larger towns at periodical fairs or markets. 
This system of manufacturing threatened the control over each 
industry exercised by the guilds, so it was forced by their 
opposition to spread out into the rural regions where the guilds 
had no authority. The workmen engaged in this system of 
manufacture no longer lived in the towns, but in small villages 
near enough to the larger towns to enable them to keep in 
touch with the merchant clothier or to take their wares to the 
market or fair in these towns. The "manufacturer" was, ht- 
erally, the man who worked with his own hands in his own 



INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL CONDITIONS 37 




Industry before the Industrial Revolution 
Hogarth, the engraver, in these two pictures depicts the interior of a 
manufacturing plant before the industrial revolution. 



38 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Defoe's 
Description 



Early 
Capitalists 



cottage. Whether he happened to be a merchant clothier or 
simply an employee, he was entirely independent of the restric- 
tions on trade imposed by the guilds. There was scarcely a 
worker who did not have land of his own from which he derived 
a part of his living, and in many cases he was possessed of both 
land and capital. Defoe, the author of Robinson Crusoe, writ- 
ing in 1725, gives us this description of the domestic system. 
The land near Halifax was "divided into small enclosures from 
two to six or seven acres each, seldom more, every three or 
four pieces of land had an house belonging to them, . . . hardly 
an house standing out of a speaking distance from another. 
. . . We could see at every house a tenter ^ and on almost 
every tenter a piece of cloth. . . . Every clothier keeps one 
horse, at least, to carry his manufactures to the market; and 
every one, generally, keeps a cow or two or more for his family. 
. . . The houses are full of lusty fellows, some at the dye-vat, 
some at the looms, others dressing the cloths; the women and 
children carding or spinning, being all employed from the 
youngest to the oldest. . . . Not a beggar to be seen nor an 
idle person." 

The striking characteristic of the domestic system which 
distinguished it from the guild system was that in the course of 
time the raw material was no longer owned by the workmen, but 
by the employer, who assumed all the risks of manufacture and 
whose profits were measured by his business ability. The em- 
ployer was no longer the master craftsman, concerned equally 
with his apprentices in the small details of their craft, but the 
far-sighted manufacturer, who weighed the home and foreign 
market and sold his wares wherever the greatest profits could 
be secured, as does the capitalist manufacturer of today. 

18. Domestic Trade : Its Nature and Importance. — Trade, 

like industry, was still suffering from various handicaps which 

had been imposed upon it by government or custom. Each 

town provided a market-place for the sale of all commodities 

1 A machine or frame for stretching cloth. 



INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL CONDITIONS 39 

brought within its walls. Duties were laid on manufactured 
articles brought into this market for sale, and additional fees 
were charged merchants for the privilege of exposing their The Market 
wares in the town. These fees, called octroi, are collected to 
this day in some European cities, and in America peddlers and 
hucksters must pay a license tax to carry on their trade. Our 
corporation tax is probably the evolution of the same principle. 
Whenever there was a scarcity of the supply of any commodity, 
an embargo, or prohibition to export the commodity, was usually 
enforced by the town. Townsmen were forbidden to buy up Restrictions 
larger amounts of goods than they needed; merchants were °° ^'"^'^^ 
closely supervised; .and their weights and measures were at all 
times subject to inspection. The size of a loaf of bread was 
fixed by law, and maximum prices were established for most 
of the necessities of life. Agriculture rather than trade was 
still the principal occupation. Foreign trade was in its in- 
fancy. The regulation of all business by government action 
was the accepted thing. 

Trading operations were still further extended through the 
fairs, which dated back to the Middle Ages. These expanded Fairs 
markets, which collected together buyers and sellers from a 
widely extended area in easily accessible towns and at con- 
venient times of the year, were still to be found at Stourbridge, 
near Cambridge, and Winchester in England. In some respects 
they were similar to the county and state fairs so familiar to 
Americans. Merchants gathered and exhibited their wares in 
temporary booths for a week or two, sometimes longer. The 
little toivn was surrounded by a palisade, and the entrance was 
watched to prevent unlicensed venders from entering. Then, 
as now, side-shows were very much in evidence, as were also 
actors and clowns, trained animals, and freaks, for the amuse- 
ment of the people who came together. Aside from the actual Social influence 
trading done, the fairs exerted considerable social influence. 
They were broadening, too, in that they brought men from 
different countries together, and thus an exchange of ideas as 



40 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

well as of merchandise was possible. The fairs were often under 
the protection of a neighboring lord, who counted much upon 
the fees which he collected from the merchants, and for this 
reason granted them unusual privileges. Special courts were 
set up to administer merchant law in all disputes between 
traders. These were known as Courts of Pie-Powder, from the 
French pied-poudreux, meaning dusty-footed. These travelling 
merchants, or dusty-foots, as they were often called, could appear 
before these courts and seek immediate redress of injustice. 
OHver Goldsmith, in his ''Vicar of Wakefield," published in 
1766, gives some interesting references to these fairs. 

19. Trade Routes and Transportation. Facilities. — The 
merchant who was interested in taking advantage of distant 
markets labored under many disadvantages and was put to 
many serious inconveniences in transporting his wares. There 
was first of all the problem presented by the roads and high- 
ways, which varied greatly in passability. Even though the old 
Roman high-roads, sixty-four feet wide, were still in use, they 
were too badly worn and too few to meet the needs of com- 
merce. Such other roads as existed were maintained by the local 
authorities and ranged from bridle paths to wagon roads of 
eight and sixteen feet and highways of thirty- two feet in width; 
but these were in such bad repair that wagons were little used. 
Most goods were transported on the backs of pack-animals, a 
score of miles being a good day's journey. Many travellers lost 
their possessions and even their lives in dangerous pitfalls. The 
splendid bridges built by the Romans had fallen into ruin, and 
their places were taken by temporary and unsatisfactory *vooden 
structures, by ferries, or by fords. It was cheaper to transport 
goods by boat on the many navigable rivers, even though the 
distance was twice as great as by a direct land route. Highway 
robberies were frequent; and heavy tolls were charged by the 
lords of the lands through which the merchant found it necessary 
to transport his wares. If a break-down occurred on land, or 
a wreck on water, the goods being transported were forfeited to 



INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL CONDITIONS 41 







42 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

the lord of the place where the accident happened. Perishable 
goods often spoiled in transit. 

At sea the limit of voyages was set by the small size of the ships 
and their consequent inability to stand up under any but the 
most favorable conditions of wind and* wave. Ships always 
sailed in fleets for better protection against pirates, and as it was 
necessary to wait for the formation of such fleets, goods were 
often much delayed in transit. There was always the tempta- 
tion before the skippers of the larger merchant ships to turn 
buccaneer and seize the cargoes of smaller crafts. Nor was it 

Piracy Considered entirely criminal, as privateering was the rule rather 

than the exception. From the days of the Vikings to the Free- 
booters of the Spanish Main, commerce by sea was crippled in 
every way. 

•20. Banking Facilities. — By the beginning of the eighteenth 
century a long step had been taken towards modern methods of 
carrying on business. This was to be seen in the use of credit 

The Goldsmiths and the part played by the banks. In the seventeenth century 
the goldsmiths were the principal bankers because of the security 
their strong boxes afforded the merchant with surplus capital. 
They paid their depositors six per cent interest and loaned the 
money to merchants or to the government at rates varying from 
eight to ten per cent. These goldsmith bankers were respon- 
sible for the custom of paying by check, and they also dis- 
counted notes. In 1694 a group of financiers received a 
charter from the English government to establish an institu- 

.The Bank tion known as the Bank of England. England was at that 

ngan ^.^^ lookiug about for a satisfactory method of financing her 

foreign wars, and these men agreed to lend her £1,200,000, 
on which the government promised to pay an annual interest 
of 8| per cent. They were also permitted to carry on a 
general banking business with private concerns. The guaran- 
teed income of £100,000 from the government enabled the 
Bank of England from the very beginning to lend large sums 
of money to industry. The bank also furnished an attractive 



INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL CONDITIONS 



43 




44 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

and secure investment for merchants with surplus capital. By 
the sale of bonds through the bank, it has been possible ever 
since this time for the bank to secure at any time funds for 
the British government. As the chief danger of banking is 
the attempt to secure a large line of credit on httle capital, it 
was natural to expect that this would be attempted in the 
early days of banking, and so trade suffered from over-specula- 
tion and financial crises, or hard times. 

21. The Stock Exchange. — Business had become so large 
by this time that places of exchange had become necessary, 
where those with capital to invest could purchase shares in 
great financial undertakings. In the larger cities of Europe 
stock exchanges were established for this purpose. Many wild 
and unstable schemes were brought forward. An English com- 
pany was chartered in 171 1 to carry on trade with the South 
Sea and the West Indies, and to loan money to the govern- 
ment. Its shares rose to almost fabulous values within a few 

The South months; then the South Sea Bubble burst. Investors real- 

Sea Bubble ^^^^ ^^j^^^^ ^^ley had invested money which they never would 
get back; they began a hasty sale of their holdings, and the 
price of the stock dropped to almost nothing. Even the gov- 
ernment was involved in this scandal. A similar project was 
John Law and put through in France by John Law, a Scotch *' promoter" of 
Bubbfe''''''''^* the time. He organized The Mississippi Company, which 
sought to capitalize the vast wealth of Louisiana. So deluded 
were the French people that all classes beggared themselves to 
buy shares in this alluring business venture, and the government 
turned over the management of the national finances to Law. 
The inevitable day of reckoning came when this bubble burst 
also, and thousands of French people were made paupers. 

22. Rise and Development of the Trading Company. — 
The chief distinguishing feature of the growing commerce 
which marks the opening years of the eighteenth century was 
that whereas earlier trade had been carried on by individual 
merchants, it was now in the hands of regulated and joint-stock 



INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL CONDITIONS 45 

companies. The earlier form of company was the regulated 
company, which was derived from the trading guild; and in it The Regulated 
the merchant paid a definite license fee for engaging in the spe- ^°™P*°y 
cial trade for which the company was chartered. The money 



rt ' 




■_ .^^ 


;^^^^V 


^ 


•■i 




t^^ 


^M^^ "F^ 




pf'/ 


^^WL&ib^K 


HKl~t; 


mif^ 


V jAt^Ai^ifft fai^fi^^^^^^^^BHifiB^^BKI^BBIII^Bj^B 




ftki^ 


^^H^^ 






B^^^mB^^' 




~- ' "■■ ""■'"^■J'H.- --^-- *-^ 




IBp^ 


.j^l;:\ 



The RLbSiAis AIarket Town, i\ijx\i-i\u\GuRuD 

A street in the fair ac Nijni Novgumd. In the foreground are seen the 
picturesque equipages ot Russia. 



received from these fees was spent by the company in measures 
of protection for its merchants, such as the maintenance of 
consuls at foreign ports, who looked after the business interests 
of the company, and of forts and garrisons in regions of trade 
where such defences were necessary. Each merchant, however, 
engaged in business under this form of company at his own 
risk to a very large extent, for whatever losses he might 
sustain were in no wise losses to the company at large. 
Quite different was the second form of trading company, the 



46 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The Joint- joint-stock Company. Such an organization was chartered by 
stock Company ^-^^ government and was under the control of parUament. 
Gains and losses were shared by all members of the company in 
proportion to the amount of stock held by them. Both forms 
of organization were bitterly hostile to interlopers, as inde- 
pendent competitors were known. 



The London 
East India 
Company 




The Portuguese Colonial Empire about 1550 

During the reign of Mary (1554) a company of merchants, 
known as the Muscovy Company, was formed to trade with the 
lands around Moscow, the old capital of Russia. They obtained 
a charter from the crown giving them the monopoly of trade in 
that region, and enjoyed the privileges of trade similar to those 
possessed by an earlier association known as the Merchant Ad- 
venturers, organized during the reign of Henry VII. Somewhat 
later other companies were formed to trade with the Levant, the 
Baltic, the Barbary or northern, and the Guinea or western, 
coast of Africa, all being of the first type of company mentioned 
above. At the close of Elizabeth's reign the English East 
India Company was chartered, which became the first of the 
joint-stock companies. At the start it was a very feeble or- 
ganization with slender capital, but it contained the germ of 
the future British Empire in India. Other joint-stock com- 



INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL CONDITIONS 



47 



panics were the English South Sea Company, the French 
Mississippi Company, and the Dutch West India Company 
(sec. 25). 

23. The Portuguese as Traders and Colonists. — The race 
was now on between the different countries of Europe to secure 
the world's commerce. It had begun on a small scale in the 
days of Vasco da Gama and 
Columbus, but the passing 
centuries had witnessed 
more rivals in the field and 
the elbowing out of some of 
the first comers. During the 
latter half of the sixteenth 
century the Portuguese had 
possessed a commercial su- 
premacy over the East Indies, 
the southern shores of Asia, 
and portions of China and 
Africa. This supremacy was 
of immense advantage, since 
all the spicery of the East at 
that time came to European 
trade-marts through Lisbon, 
the principal commercial city 
of Portugal. Other Portu- 
guese engaged in the New- 
foundland fisheries, and still others exploited the resources 
and began the colonization of Brazil. Trading privileges, how- 
ever, were exercised under special royal licenses which were 
granted only to a favored few. Unfortunately for her trade, 
Portugal at the close of the sixteenth century, was united to 
the government of Spain, and the Spanish monarchs not only 
neglected these commercial holdings in the East, but also en- 
gaged in wars with other European powers, during the course 
of which most of the former Portuguese empire in the Far 




A Portuguese Ship of the 15TH 
Century 

In such ships as this the Portuguese 
navigators crept along the coast of 
Africa on their voyages of discovery. 



48 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Restrictions 
on Trade 



East was conquered by the Dutch. When Portugal became 
independent again, in the middle of the seventeenth century, 
she was too poor and too weak to reconquer what she had lost 
in the East. 

24. The Spanish Colonial Empire : the Policy of the Span- 
ish Rulers. — The unification of the kingdoms of Castile and 

Aragon, by the marriage of 
Isabella and Ferdinand, their 
rulers, the conquest of the 
Moorish kingdom of Granada 
in southern Spain, and the 
discovery of the new world 
by Columbus, made Spain 
one of the leading nations of 
Europe at the close of the fif- 
teenth century. Yet in spite 
of the enormous possibilities 
for prosperity arising from 
the wealth of her new posses- 
sions, Spain failed to flourish. 
This was due to the short- 
sighted and selfish policy of 
the Spanish rulers. The gov- 
ernment very early restricted commerce by means of heavy- 
taxes, which brought small gain to the treasury at the expense 
of hampering trade. Trading ships were required to sail only at 
stated seasons, and from Cadiz in Spain to specified ports in the 
New World. Emigration was rendered difficult and unpromising 
by restrictions making it hard to obtain permission to go out and 
by the problem of securing employment in the colonies. No in- 
dustry could be started in the Spanish colonies which might in- 
terfere with home manufacturing, and intercolonial commerce 
was forbidden. By the close of the eighteenth century, although 
the governmental policy had been somewhat reformed, the people 
in the Spanish colonies felt only bitterness against the home gov- 




A Spanish Galleon of the i6th 
Century 



INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL CONDITIONS 49 



ernment for its oppression and bided their time to throw off the 
Spanish yoke. 

25. The Dutch as Traders. — While Portugal and Spain were 
dedining, a former dependency of the latter, the Protestant 
Netherlands, or Holland, became for a time foremost in the com- 
mercial world. The closure of the Portuguese commercial ports 
by Spain enabled the Dutch to gain control over the routes to the 
Far East and to maintain an active trade with the East Indies, 




Companies 



Spain's Colonial Empire about 1550, Showing Lines of Demarcation 

Portugal's operations were confined to the central and Spain's to the two 
outer divisions of this map. 

Asia, and the Americas. The Dutch West India Company The Dutch 
(founded in 162 1) bore the brunt of the war on the seas against ^''^^^, 
Spain, plundering many a richly laden galleon on its way back 
to Cadiz. Their East India Company was chartered by the 
government in 1602 to exercise a monopoly of trade from the 
Cape of Good Hope to the Malay archipelago, the Spice Islands, 
and Java. Nor were the Dutch principally interested in the Far 
Eastern trade, for more than half of their ships were engaged in 
the carrying trade with the ports of the Baltic and North Seas, 
taking over the position occupied in later mediaeval times by the 
Hansa towns. Other ships were transporting the manufactures 



50 



ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Decline 
of Dutch 
Carrying Trade 



Characteristics 
of the 
Mercantile 
System 



of the Dutch cities to all the ports of Europe. The Dutch 
fisheries were of greater extent and value than those of England 
and France combined during the same period. About 1650, 
England began to wrest from the Netherlands this supremacy 
of the seas. This change came about because of the small 
size of the Netherlands in comparison with her antagonist, the 
lack of a strong governmental poHcy, the control of trade by a 




The Harbor of Amsterdam, 1780 
The various types of vessels in use in 1780 are here shown in the port of 
Amsterdam. 

narrow commercial ring to the prejudice of its own narrow 
interests, and the aggressive poHcy of England, as illustrated 
by the Navigation Acts. 

26. The Mercantile System. — These rival trading nations 
one and all followed the same course in the effort to dominate 
in the commercial world. Each adhered more or less closely to 
what was known as the mercantile system, believing that by it 
the nation could best serve the interests of trade and maintain 
its colonial supremacy. The supporters of this theory or system 
believed that it should be the chief business aim of every govern- 
ment to increase its stock of precious metals; or, at least, to buy 



INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL CONDITIONS 51 



less of other countries than it sold to them, so as always to have 
more money due its citizens than it owed the citizens of other 
countries, thus maintaining a favorable balance of trade. As a 
writer of the reign of Henry VIII expressed it, '^f we keep within 
us much of our commodities, we must always take heed that we 
buy no more of strangers than we sell them; for so we should 
impoverish ourselves and enrich them." 







Tasman's Explorations 
■Places underlined named by Dutch 



The Colonial Empire of Holland about 1650, Showing Extent 
OF Her Trading Operations 

In order to maintain a favorable balance of trade, it was 
necessary in the first place to linait imports. The same idea is 
back of the modern theory of the protective tariff, although the 
motive is not to influence the flow of money to other countries 
so much as to free our manufacturers from the pressure of com- 
petition from foreign producers. The only imports to be en- 
couraged under this system were raw materials, as these could be 
made up for export. The export of raw materials was vigorously Exports 
discouraged by law. Secondly, it was necessary to build up the ^^^ imports 
export trade, for this stood on the credit side of the nation's 
books. Bounties, special privileges, either in the remission of Bounties 
taxes or in governmental aid, were given struggling industries so 
that the volume of exports might be constantly increased. 



52 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Commercial 
Treaties 



The Methuen 
Treaty 



The Assiento 
Treaty 



Colbert and 
State Aid 



Commercial treaties were only entered into by a nation when 
they seemed to be based upon these principles or ideas. Illus- 
trations of these are the Methuen and Assiento treaties. In 
1703 England concluded the Methuen Treaty with Portugal 
whereby she agreed to exclude French wines from English ports 
by means of excessive import duties, while Portuguese wines 
were to come in free. In return, Portugal promised a free entry 
for English woolen goods and other manufactures into Portu- 
guese and Brazilian ports, thus opening up the Portuguese colony 
to English traders, which proved of inestimable advantage to 
them. Ten years later, by the Assiento Treaty at the end of 
the War of the Spanish Succession, England gained the right 
to send annually one trading ship of 500 tons burden to the 
Spanish colonies in America; but English merchants secretly 
increased the size of the cargo, often sending along a whole 
fleet as consorts to the one trading ship. This led to another 
war between England and Spain (sec. 32). Monopoly of 
the slave trade with the Spanish dependencies was also granted 
to the English by this treaty. Both these provisions greatly 
increased the volume of English commerce with the Spanish 
possessions. 

A good example of the application of the principle of state aid 
for industry is to be found in France during the administration 
of Colbert, Louis XIV's minister of finance. His aim was to 
make France self-supporting. To this end he had enacted two 
tariff laws applying the principle of protection to almost every 
industry in France. He even bought the trade secrets and 
processes of manufacture from other nations and encouraged 
their workmen to remove to France and engage in industry. 
Generous loans of money were made by the government to 
men who would establish new industries, and rewards in the 
shape of prizes for fine workmanship were offered. In conse- 
quence, France became dotted with flourishing industrial 
plants. She soon attained the front rank in European in- 
dustry and was able to compete with Italy in the manufac- 



INDUSIRIAL AND COMMERCIAL CONDITIONS 53 

ture of silks, laces, and velvets, and with Holland and Flanders 
in the manufacture of linen and tapestries, 

27. The New Science of Political Economy and its Relation 
to Trade and Industry. — The same reform movement which 
had given rise to the enlightened despotism witnessed the rise 
and development of a new science, that of economics or political Political 
economy, that is, the science of the production of wealth and its De&i°eT 
proper distribution among the members of society. Compara- 
tively little attention had been given to this subject in earlier 
centuries. The growing realization, perhaps, of the political 
power which trade and industry brought with it, directed 
the attention of students and statesmen to those principles 
underlying sound development in this direction. These econo- 
mists, who were to be found principally in France, sought at 
first to direct attention to the productive possibilities of the 
soil and saw in agriculture the true source of a nation's wealth. 
They were known as the Physiocrats. Others, however, began The 
to appear who proclaimed another doctrine, namely that com- P^^ysiocrats 
merce and manufacturing, carried on under proper conditions, 
offered the greatest field of endeavor and promised the largest 
returns. They saw many objections to the mercantile system 
and began to direct their attacks upon it. 

Adam Smith, a brilliant Scotchman of the eighteenth century, Adam Smith 
who had been professor of philosophy at Glasgow University, ^^J^^^ 
published in 1776 an epoch-making book, An Inquiry into the of Nations 
Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, in which he 
showed the importance of a freer trade between the nations of 
the world, and that selfishness on the part of a whole people 
is as destructive as individual selfishness. His teaching made 
slow progress at first, but as nations realized the soundness of 
his position they began to throw off the artificial restraints of 
the mercantile system and to enjoy that economic freedom 
which was rightfully theirs. Adam Smith had proclaimed the 
declaration of their economic independence. 



54 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



SUGGESTIVE TOPICS AND QUESTIONS FOR 
FURTHER STUDY 

I. What part was played by the guilds in politics in the Middle Ages? 
2. Describe the life of a guild apprentice. 3. Report on the general policy 
of Henry VIII toward the guilds. 4. Give an account of the journeymen 
guilds. 5. Read Defoe's description in fuU, 6. Why are town fairs like 
those described no longer necessary? Describe Southwark Fair. 7. Write 
a letter to a friend, imagining a journey by land and water with a trader of 
the early eighteenth century. 8. What impression of mediaeval banking 
do you gain from Shakespeare's Merchant of Venice? 9. Read Emerson 
Hough's "The Mississippi Bubble," and describe the novelist's impressions 
of stock-gambling in the eighteenth century. 10. Discuss the importance 
of the work of the trading companies from the standpoint of the spread of 
European culture. 11. How was the world divided between Spain and 
Portugal by a Pope? Has this line of demarcation persisted in the 
geographical bounds of modern states? Explain. 12. What was a galleon? 
the Spanish main? the Hanseatic league? 13. Compare the mercantile 
system with the American policy of protectionism (protective tariffs). 

14. Discuss the effects of the slave-trade provision of the Assiento. 

15. Compare the financial and economic measures of Colbert with 
those of Alexander Hamilton. 16. What is the relation of the science 
of economics to history? 17. Give a biographical sketch of Adam Smith, 
describe his principal writings, and discuss his influence on modern 
political theory. 

Collateral Reading 

I. The Guild System. 

Beard, Introduction to English Historians (Ashley), pp. 169-184. 
Cheyney, Industrial and Social History of England, pp. 59-73, 
147-61. Day, History of Commerce, pp. 47-52. Webster, 
General History of Commerce, pp. 99-100. Robinson and 
Beard, Development of Modern Europe, Vol. I, pp. 127-31. 
Tickner, Social and Industrial History of England, pp. 42-57, 
61-62. Hayes, Modern Europe, Vol. I, pp. 36-43. 

II. Mediaeval Trade and Commerce, Fairs, The Hanseatic 

League. 

Cheyney, pp. 75-84. Day, pp. 54-127. Webster, pp. 55-105. 
Tickner, pp. 65-73, 161-174. 

III. Banking and Credit. The Bubble Period. 

Cunningham, Growth of English Industry and Commerce, Vol. II, 
part I, pp. 142-61, 446-56. Cheyney, pp. 193-8. Day, pp. 120- 
41, 152-60. Tickner, pp. 358-71. 

IV. Economic Differences between Mediaeval and Modern 

Society. . 
Cunningham, pp. 1-12. 



INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL CONDITIONS S5 

V. The Mercantile System. 

Cunningham, pp. 13-24. Toynbee, The Industrial Revolution, 
pp. 50-64. Cheyney, pp. 167-9, 189-93. Day, pp. 161-72. 
Seignobos, Contemporary Civilization, pp. 57-9. Hayes, Vol. I, 
pp. 62-4. 
VI. Privileged Companies for Commerce. 

Cunningham, pp. 214-84. Cheyney, pp. 164-7. Cheyney, Euro- 
pean Background of American History, pp. 123-46. Hayes, 
Vol. I, pp. 64-5. 
VII. Beginnings of Colonization. 

Cunningham, pp. 331-61. Cheyney, European Background, 
pp. 147-67. Thwaites, The Colonies, pp. 45-66. Hayes, Vol. 
I, pp. 55-62. 
VIII. The Economists. 

Seignobos, pp. 59-62. Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 179-82. 
Hirst, Adam Smith. Cunningham, pp. 93-7. 

Source Studies 

1. The Guilds. 

Ordinances of typical guilds. Cheyney, Readings in English His- 
tory, pp. 209-11. Bland, English Economic History, pp. 141-7. 

A typical guild. Library of Original Sources, Vol. IV, pp. 395-6. 

Adam Smith on the guilds of his day. Robinson and Beard, 
Readings in Modern European History, Vol. I, pp. 142-5. 

Edict abolishing the guilds in France, Ihid., pp. 145-6. 

Adam Smith's criticism of the guilds of his day. Bullock, Read- 
ings in Economics, pp. 104-14. 

Protest against a guild's exclusiveness. Bland, p. 282. 

2. Fairs. 

Sturbridge Fair in the eighteenth century, Bullock, pp. 325-31. 

3. The domestic system. 

An English market town of the eighteenth century. (Defoe), 
Bullock, pp. 331-3- 

Description of the cloth trade of Halifax. (Defoe), Ibid., pp. 116- 
7, note. Bland, pp. 482-7. 

Organization of the woolen industry. Bland, pp. 354-5. 

Domestic system compared with the factory system. (Parliamen- 
tary report), Ihid., pp. 114-24. 

4. Commercial policy of Colbert. 

Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 13-4. 

5. Adam Smith. 

The mercantile system. Library of Original Sources, Vol. VI, 

pp. 399-427. 
The Division of Labor. Bullock, pp. 287-98. 



S6 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

Suggestions for Map Work 

I. On an outline map of England and the Netherlands show the principal 
wool-raising districts in the Middle Ages. 2. On a map of Europe show the 
mediaeval trade routes and the principal towns held by the Hanseatic league. 
3. On a map of Asia show the mediaeval trade routes and important com- 
mercial towns and regions. 4. On a map of western Europe show the loca- 
tion of the principal town fairs of the Middle Ages. 5. Show the spheres of 
influence of the principal trading companies of the early modern period. 
6. Show the commercial and colonial ventures of the Portuguese and Span- 
iards in the Far East, 7. Show the commercial and colonial ventures of 
these nations in the New World. 8. Show the Dutch colonial empire at its 
widest extent. 

Map References 

Shepherd, Historical Atlas. Holt. The chief wool-raising districts of 
England and Flanders, p. 76. Mediaeval commerce, pp. 98-9. Commercial 
routes in mediaeval England, p. 98. The Hanseatic League, p. 99. Mediae- 
val commercial routes in Asia, pp. 102-3. Mediaeval commerce in India, 
p. 103. The age of discovery, 1300-1600, pp. 107-10. The Portuguese and 
Spanish colonial empires in the East Indies, p. 112. Colonies, depend- 
encies, and trade routes (modern times), pp. 179-82. European exploration 
and settlement in the United States, 1513-1776, p. 190. 

Dow, Atlas of European History. Holt. The Hanseatic league at its 
height, p. 14^. The expansion of Europe — the great discoveries, p. 16. 

Bibliography 
Beard. Introduction to the English Historians. Macmillan. 
Bland, Brown and Tawney. English Economic History : Select Documents. 

Macmillan. 
Bullock. Readings in Economics. Ginn. 

Cheyney. European Background of American History. Harper. 
Cheyney. Readings in English History. Ginn. 
Cheyney. Introduction to the Industrial and Social History of England. 

Macmillan. 
Cunningham. Growth of English Industry and Commerce, Volume II. 

Cambridge University Press. 
Day. History of Commerce. Longmans. 
Hayes. Political and Social History of Modern Europe. Volume I, 

Macmillan. 
Hirst. Adam Smith. Putnam. 

Library of Original Sources, Volume IV. University Research Extension Co. 
Robinson and Beard. Development of Modern Europe, Volume I. Ginn. 
Robinson and Beard. Readings in Modern European History, Volume I. Ginn. 
Seignobos. Contemporary Civilization. Scribner. 
Tickner. Social and Industrial History of England. Longmans. 
Toynbee. The Industrial Revolution. Longmans. 
Webster. General History of Commerce. Ginn. 



CHAPTER III 

THE RIVAL COLONIAL AND COMMERCIAL POWERS AND 

THE COMMERCIAL WARS OF THE EIGHTEENTH 

CENTURY 

28. The Older World Powers and their Decay. — In order 
to understand the colonial and commercial interests at stake in 
the commercial wars of the eighteenth century and the rivalry 
responsible for all this bloodshed, it is necessary to look over the 
colonial fields possessed by the various European countries and 
take the measure of their power there. Portugal had not 
recovered from the blighting effects of Spanish rule during the 
first half of the seventeenth century. The Dutch had seized 
many of her most valuable colonial possessions in the Far 
East, and only Goa, on the west coast of India, Macao, Remnants 
across the Bay from Hongkong in Asia, and part of the East coiom^E^^ke 
Indian Island of Timor remained to her. In Africa she still 
retained Angola, Portuguese East Africa, and scattered islands 
along the coast. In America she held Brazil, but since the 
Methuen Treaty (sec. 26) she had acted as the agent 
for British merchants in disposing of their wares in Brazil, so 
England was benefited and not Portugal. Moreover France and 
Spain, to punish her for becoming the commercial vassal of 
England, placed heavy duties on goods imported from Portugal 
and thus deprived her of markets near at hand. Her colonial 
governors were dishonest men who plundered their domains. 
The blight of the slave trade was already beginning to lie heavily 
upon her, for she controlled not only the best source of supply, 
the west coast of Africa, but found a ready market for her slaves 
in Brazil. 



58 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Spain In 
America 



The Dutch 
in Asia 



Reasons for 
the Decay of 
Older Powers 



Expansion in 
America 



Spain was in no position to fight for colonial mastery. The 
mistress of a vast American empire stretching from Cape Horn 
to Oregon, she had stifled its development by a burdensome 
system of taxation and a series of restrictions upon trade. 

The colonies in Asia and the East Indies which the Dutch had 
obtained by settlement or conquest were treated less in the 
spirit of exploitation than were the Portuguese and Spanish 
colonies. The Dutch fostered among the natives a desire for 
European goods instead of compelling them to purchase com- 
modities for which they had no use. The Dutch, however, 
could not free their colonial policy from extortion and graft. 
The seventeenth century marked the high tide of Dutch enter- 
prise, but the wars in which the Netherlands were involved 
during the closing years of the seventeenth and the beginning 
of the eighteenth centuries crippled her commerce and deprived 
her of other opportunities for colonial empire. 

The chief reasons for the decay of the commercial and colonial 
supremacy of these older world powers were a mistaken idea that 
the colony was a place where the adventurous and daring might 
amass a comfortable fortune by all sorts of oppressive and 
unjust means to spend at home on their return, and the short- 
sighted policy of each government in not developing the re- 
sources of the colony, but, instead, draining it of its wealth. 

29. The Expansion of England and France. — The struggle 
for colonial supremacy in the eighteenth century, therefore, 
narrowed itself down to a contest between France and England. 
English and French colonization of the New World was well 
under way by the opening of the century. The Atlantic sea- 
board showed a division into twelve English colonies, soon to be 
thirteen by the founding of Georgia. The French settlements 
were along the St. Lawrence and in Nova Scotia. During 
the early part of the century the work of the Jesuit discov- 
erers was to lay the foundation for the possession of Louisiana 
by France and the basis of their claim to the Ohio Valley. 
While each people was successful in its own way, there were 



RIVAL COLONIAL AND COMMERCIAL POWERS 59 

marked differences between the French and English as colo- 
nizers. These were clearly shown in their relations with the 
natives. The early settlers met the Indian in a threefold 
relation: as enemies, neighbors, and fellow- traders. While the 
English gained stamina, experience in self-government, and self- 
reliance in their wars with the Indians, the French found it Relations with 
easier to mix with rather than to fight with the natives. An- *^® Natives 
other important difference was the result of the policy pursued 
by the French government. England had passed through the 
great Civil War and the Revolution of 1688 and, in consequence, 
had gained a more democratic government than was then known 
elsewhere among the great powers; France, under the personal 
rule of Louis XIV, had no conception of a government by the 
people. It was natural that the colonies of the two nations should 
reflect the governmental ideas of their mother countries. While Systems of 
the EngUsh-Americans were holding meetings of their assemblies ^o^®™™®*^* 
and quarrelling with their governors over salaries and preroga- 
tives, the French habitants, or farmers, and the coureurs de bois, 
or fur traders, were accepting without question the proclama- 
tions and edicts of the governor sent to rule them by Louis XIV. 

Both England and France had East India Companies which England 
strove for mastery over commercial and political affairs in 
India during the eighteenth century. This vast territory, 
peopled by two hundred millions or more of inhabitants and 
more densely populated than Europe at the time, offered a fair 
field for exploitation at the hands of Europeans in the seven- 
teenth and eighteenth centuries. It fell an easy prey to the 
designing French and English merchants who coveted its riches. 
India was more like a continent than a single country, as it was 
composed of many states under different rulers and peopled by 
a variety of nations. An effort had been made to unite these 
when the Mughals invaded India in the sixteenth century. 
Although apparently successful for a time, especially between 
1628 and 1707, the empire gradually declined and the states 
passed under the rule of native princes or descendants of the 



and France 
in India 



The Factory 



60 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

Mughal governors, who founded new dynasties in their prov- 
inces. Each East India Company gradually acquired possession 
of several coast towns, which they fortified and used as centres 
of trade with the natives, maintaining factories at these posts, 
where they employed a large number of clerks, guards, and 
laborers, under the control of a governor appointed by the Com- 
pany. These factories were simply depots or storehouses, where 




agents of the Company, known as factors, collected goods to be 
sent off to the mother country by the next ship which touched at 
th'S.t port. These, towns frequently had to defend themselves 
from the attacks of native rulers and for this reason became lit- 
tle states by themselves, possessing in the course of time a well- 
trained army made up of the employees and native soldiers called 
sepoys. In 1668 Charles II gave to the English Company the 
important town of Bombay on the western coast, which he had 
received from Portugal as a part of his wife's dowry; and in 1686 
the Company acquired land on the Hoogly River, where it 
built Fort William in 1696, around which Calcutta sprang up. 



RIVAL COLONIAL AND COMMERCIAL POWERS 6 1 



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62 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

> 30. The Rivalry between England and France. — When 

William of Orange was called to the English throne in 1688, 
War of the Great Britain became involved in a war between Louis XIV % 
Palatinate ^^^ ^j^^ Netherlands, and thus began a struggle for supremacy, 

not only in Europe, but also in the forests of North America, 
upon the plains of India, upon the high seas and, in short, 
wherever the rival nations came into contact. The opening 
phase of the great struggle — called the War of the Palati- 
nate because the French invaded that region at the outset — 
was indecisive. (See chart of wars, page 61.) The chief im- 
portance of this war lies in the fact that it was a forecast of 
the greater struggle to come. A peace was no sooner concluded 
(the Treaty of Ryswick) than William III began to make prep- 
arations for a renewal of the struggle. 

This was precipitated by the death of Charles II of Spain in 
1700. He had left his possessions by will to the grandson of 
Louis XIV of France, who had an hereditary claim to the crown. 
(See chart, page 418.) There were other claims, however, and 
Causes for War several efforts had been made to adjust these and avert if pos- 
be^veenFr^ce ^^^^q a general European war. Only a year before his death a 
partition of the Spanish possessions had been agreed upon be- 
tween Louis and William, to which the Spanish king was not 
a party, whereby Spain was to be given to the Archduke Charles 
of Austria. This treaty was broken by Louis XIV in 1700, 
when he recognized Philip as the King of Spain. William 
feared that the accession of Louis XIV's grandson to the throne 
of Spain would mean the practical joining of the kingdoms of 
France and Spain. The following year, when Louis XIV vio- 
lated the recently signed Treaty of Ryswick by recognizing 
James Edward Stuart as the rightful king of England upon the 
death of his father, the exiled James II, the English parliament 
The Grand declared war. A Grand Alliance was formed between England, 
AUiance Austria, and the Dutch Republic which had as its objects: (i) 

the restoration to the Dutch of the fortresses in Belgium seized 
by Louis XIV; (2) the transfer to the Austrian claimant of the 



RIVAL COLONIAL AND COMMERCIAL POWERS 63 

Spanish possessions in Italy; (3) the prevention of the union 
of France and Spain, thus preserving the balance of power; 
and finally (4) the maintenance upon the English throne of the 
new dynasty. 

In addition to these primary and dynastic causes, powerful 
colonial influences were behind the struggle. In 1690, while the 
War of the Palatinate was being waged in Europe, the French, 
supported by their Indian allies, had made a raid upon the 
little town of Schenectady in the Mohawk Valley, and the 
terrors of Indian atrocities filled the minds of the English 
colonists with a spirit of vengeance. Other French and Indian Indian Raids 
attacks were made during the next few years upon the border 
settlements of the English in New England, in pursuance of the 
policy of the French Governor-general of Canada, Count 
Frontenac, to keep the English restricted to the territory already 
held by them in order to prevent them from developing the 
interior of the country and thus approaching the French posses- 
sions. In 1690, Massachusetts organized a small fleet under 
the command of Sir WilHam Phipps and captured the fortress of 
Port Royal in Acadia, or Nova Scotia. Encouraged by this 
success, Phipps with a larger force later attempted to take 
Quebec, but without success. The news came to Boston that 
the French government was planning a combined land and sea 
attack on New England, and measures of defence were planned. 
The Treaty of Ryswick, however, gave a breathing spell. As 
by this compact Port Royal was restored to the French and the 
outrages by the Indians continued, the colonists were eager for 
a renewal of the war even before the campaign opened in Europe. 

31. The War of the Spanish Succession and its Effects 
upon Colonial and Commercial Development. — Although Wil- 
liam III of England died just as the war was starting, and his 
sister-in-law Anne became queen, his true successor was the 
Duke of Marlborough, who welded together the allied armies The Duke of 
of the English, Dutch, Austrians, and of several of the minor * *^ °^°^^ 
German states. At the outset the French king had the advan- 



64 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Blenheim 
and Ramillies 



Malplaquet 



tage in that he held the border fortresses in the Spanish Neth- 
erlands, and in that an alliance with the Elector of Bavaria 
enabled him to prevent for a time the junction of the allied 
armies. In 1704 Marlborough made a brilliant march from the 
lower Rhine to the upper Danube, effected a junction with 

Prince Eugene, the Austrian com- 
mander, routed the French at 
Blenheim (1704), and swept them 
out of Germany. Two years later 
another victory at Ramillies drove 
the French from the Spanish 
Netherlands, while Prince Eugene 
routed them from Italy. The 
victorious allies demanded as a 
price of peace that King Louis 
join them against his grandson, 
but the aged monarch drew back. 
''If I must wage war," said he, 
"I would rather wage it against 
my enemies than against my children." He sent another army 
against the allies, but it was half-starved and poorly equipped, 
and although his men fought with desperation they were de- 
feated at Malplaquet. In 1 711, at the death of the Emperor 
Joseph, the Archduke Charles succeeded to the imperial title. 
England now perceived that further efforts to gain for him the 
throne of Spain, if successful, would as seriously disturb the 
balance of power as to acquiesce in the succession of Philip V. 
Furthermore, it was discovered that Marlborough had been 
enriching himself at the expense of the army, and a change of 
ministry in England found the English people ready for peace 
at any price. 

In America, Port Royal, the chief town of Acadia, had been 
recaptured by the colonial troops. Acadia, or Nova Scotia, 
as the EngHsh renamed it, included not only the peninsula now 
so called, but also the territory as far west as Maine and north 




The Duke of Marlborough 



RIVAL COLONIAL AND COMMERCIAL POWERS 6^ 

to the St. Lawrence. In the Peace of Utrecht, signed in 17 13 
between England and France, Acadia, Newfoundland, and the 
Hudson Bay fur-trading territory were definitely given to Eng- 
land. The original object of the war was not mentioned, ex- 
cept in the proviso that the thrones of Spain and France should 




Gibraltar 

An unusual view of the great rock at Gibraltar. Above the town, which 
nestles at the foot of the rock, towers the great natural fortress. 



Peace 
of Utrecht 



never be united, and by Philip's renouncing all right of succes- 
sion to the throne of France. He ceded Minorca and Gibraltar 
to England^ two commanding strategic points in the Mediter- 
ranean. Louis XIV recognized Anne's right to the throne of 
England. An accompanying treaty between England and Spain 
gave the former the monopoly of the slave trade with the Span- Assiento Treaty 
ish colonies in America and the right to send one ship annually 
to trade at the Isthmus of Panama. It was at the time of this 
war that the Methuen Treaty between England and Portugal 
gave England the commercial dictatorship over that country. 



66 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Accession 
of George I 



The Family 
Compact 
between France 
and Spain 



The increase of colonial empire as a result of this war greatly 
encouraged English commerce, for both France and the Nether- 
lands were exhausted by the war on their frontiers, and the 
Dutch were no longer able to compete with the English on the 
seas. England was now the one great sea-power in Europe. 
The naval operations of this war and of the preceding strug- 
gle had demonstrated beyond a doubt her naval power. On 

the other hand, France had lost 
the prestige in European affairs 
which had been hers for over 
half a century as a result of the 
statesmanship of Richelieu, 
Mazarin, Colbert, and Louis 
XIV. A year after the close of 
the war Queen Anne died, and 
George, the Elector of Hanover^ 
quietly took the English throne, 
notwithstanding an unsuccess- 
ful attempt upon the part of 
James Edward to regain the 
throne of his father. At the 

very time of this rising, Louis 

Frederick the Great -vrTTr j- j j j j 

XIV died and was succeeded 

by his greatgrandson, Louis XV. The advisers of Louis XV 
and the English prime minister, Walpole (sec. 37), favored 
peace, and for this reason the final settlement of the struggle for 
mastery was postponed for a quarter of a century. 

32. War of the Austrian Succession. — The Assiento Treaty, 
in its permission to the English to send one ship annually to the 
Isthmus of Panama, was a remote cause of the next great gen- 
eral European war in that it led to friction between England 
and Spain, whose destinies were now closely bound up with those 
of France on account of the league of offence and defence en- 
tered into by Spain and France in 1733, an understanding which 
foreshadowed the famous Family Compact of the Bourbons of 




RIVAL COLONIAL AND COMMERCIAL POWERS ^-j 



1 761. The English traders took advantage of the Assiento 
Treaty in the following manner. After the one ship of 500 tons' 
burden permitted by the treaty had sailed into Porto Bello and 
discharged her cargo, at night smaller boats which had lain 
hidden by day, sailed in and reloaded it, thus enabling much 
more than the cargo intended 
by the treaty to be landed. 
British smuggling in Spanish 
colonial ports was rife, and 
when the Spanish officials cap- 
tured any of these smugglers 
they took summary vengeance 
upon them. One case of such 
punishment was brought to the 
attention of the House of 
Commons and aroused a desire 
for vengeance in the hearts of 
Englishmen and led to a dec- 
laration of war against Spain 
in 1739. This war, called the 
War of Jenkins's Ear from the 
act of barbarism which began 
it, dragged on for several years and finally was merged with a 
general European war that arose from the territorial ambitions 
of Frederick the Great of Prussia and from the question of who Ambitions 
should succeed as ruler over the possessions of the Emperor ^^ Grea"'and 
Charles VI, who died in 1740. In spite of the fact that Charles, their Effects 
by the so-called Pragamatic Sanction, had induced the various °° ^^^ 
European rulers to recognize his daughter, Maria Theresa, as 
heir to his Hapsburg possessions, she was not allowed to 
ascend the throne without a severe struggle. Frederick II, 
who had come to the Prussian throne five months before, at 
Charles's death rejected his father's promise to the late em- 
peror and threw an army into the Austrian province of Silesia, 
which he speedily conquered and annexed. France entered the 




Maria Theresa, Archduchess of 
Austria and Queen of Hungary 



War of 
Jenkins's Ear 



ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Clive and 
Dupleix in 
India 



The Austrian 
Succession War 
in India 



war against Maria Theresa, on behalf of the Elector Charles of 
Bavaria, who was chosen emperor in 1742, while England, fear- 
ing the loss of her Hanoverian possessions if Frederick became 
too powerful, declared war against France 
and Prussia in 1744.^ 

33. Colonial Interests Involved. — Our 
main interest in this war lies more in the 
colonial interests involved than in the tangle 
of European diplomacy, war, and treaty 
which a,ccompanied it. In India and in 
America the struggles between the English 
and French were destined to produce far- 
reaching results. One of the clerks of the 
East India Company's factory at Madras 
was Robert Clive, the son of a poor English 
landholder, who because of his incorrigibi- 
lity had been shipped off to far-away India 
to be straightened out in the school of expe- 
rience. His first years there were wretched, 
and, tormented by home-sickness and 
poverty, he twice attempted suicide. When 
the war of the Austrian Succession began, 
the French attempted to drive the English 
out of India. Madras was captured and 
destroyed, and Clive narrowly escaped being 
carried prisoner with his fellow-clerks to Pondicherry,' a French 
post over a hundred miles south on the sea-coast, of which 
Dupleix was governor. The French were still in possession of 
Madras when the European war ended, and although this con- 
quest was returned to the English, the war could hardly be said 

^ During this war occurred the batde of Dettingen, in which George II 
participated. This was the last occasion in which an Enghsh monarch 
actually was present on the field of battle until the European war of our 
own day. In 1745 Charles Edward, the son of James Edward, made a 
more strenuous effort than tliat of his father to regain the throne for the 
Stuarts, but he was easily defeated and driven into exile on the continent. 




A Prussian Gren- 
adier 
The father of Fred- 
erick the Great de- 
lighted in collecting 
tall soldiers from all 
parts of Europe for 
his splendid army. 



RIVAL COLONIAL AND COMMERCIAL POWERS 69 

to have ended in India, for Dupleix now conceived the plan of 
building up a great French colonial empire and began to put his 
plan into operation by a series of intrigues with the native 
princes, which cost the EngUsh a tremendous struggle in the next 
decade. 




Bombay 
It is difficult to recognize in this modern city the ancient Parsee capital of 
India, Bombay. 

In the far west, too, along the borders of Canada where the 
French faced the EngUsh in Nova Scotia, in the New England 
colonies, and in New York, there were ceaseless hostilities. 
These took the form of raids across the frontier and Indian 
outrages, which were little affected by formal declarations of 
war or peace between the parent countries. The only important 



70 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The War of 
the Austrian 
Succession 
in America 



The Treaty of 
Peace and Its 
Results 



Beginnings of 
French and 
Indian War 



military enterprise in America in the period of the Austrian 
Succession War, was the capture of the strongly fortified French 
post of Louisbourg on Cape Breton Island by a force composed 
chiefly of Massachusetts men under the command of Governor 
Shirley and Colonel William Pepperell. 

The return of this fortress, so dearly bought by the colonials, in 
the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, which in 1 748 closed the European 
hostilities, was one of the remote causes of the War for American 
Independence. The colonists could not see why the English 
returned to the French this stronghold whence piratical expedi- 
tions had harried the coasts of all New England. Yet England 
regained her factory of Madras, and this seemed at the time of 
greater importance to her than Louisbourg. Frederick retained 
Silesia; but with the exception of some cessions to the little 
state of Sardinia, all territory gained during the war was restored 
to its former owners by this treaty. Thus three important 
issues were left for future settlement: the enmity between 
Maria Theresa and Frederick the Great; the struggle for 
commercial and political mastery in India; and the clashing 
interests of France and England in America. 

34. The French and Indian War. — France laid claim to the 
interior of the American continent west of the Alleghanies, and 
the governor of Canada ordered all Englishmen driven from the 
valleys of the Ohio and Mississippi. The Ohio Company was 
organized to colonize west of the Alleghanies, and its traders 
and settlers challenged the French to drive them out. Accord- 
ingly a French force of 1200 men, far outnumbering the few 
English settlers, was sent into this region, and important 
strongholds, among them Fort Duquesne, were established along 
the Great Lakes and the Ohio River and its branches, notwith- 
standing the efforts of George Washington to block them. 
Unsuccessful in the fall of 1753 in his mission to the French 
commander, Washington returned in the spring of 1754 with 
a small body of men to the vicinity of Fort Duquesne and 
won a skirmish at Great Meadows, but was forced to surrender 



RIVAL COLONIAL AND COMMERCIAL POWERS 71 




72 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The Progress 
of the War 



Capture and 
Defence of 
Arcot 



at Fort Necessity. In a short time troops were on their way 
from Europe, and at last the French and Indian War had begun 
in earnest. 

The first period of this war was one of disaster for the English. 
A force under General Braddock and Washington was crushed 
while attempting to capture Fort Duquesne, and Montcalm 
gained Oswego and Fort William Henry for the French. The 
causes for French success may be found in the lack of unity in 
the British possessions in America, which manifested itself in 
jealous quarrels between the colonies, and in the failure of the 
colonial troops to cooperate heartily with the British officers. 
But the memory of the first disasters of the war was blotted out 
by the victories that followed after William Pitt became the 
head of the English government in 1757. He adopted a defi- 
nite, aggressive policy. More and better troops were sent to the 
colonies under able officers, and officers holding colonial com- 
missions were accorded the same consideration as those in the 
regular army. Louisbourg, Fort Duquesne, Niagara, Quebec, 
and Montreal were successively captured, and by 1760 French 
dominion in North America had been destroyed. 

35. Clive in India. — Meanwhile important events had been 
transpiring in Asia. The Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle had returned 
Madras to the English in 1748, but in the same year Dupleix, 
the French governor, was granted full control over the Circars 
(see map opposite) by the native prince of that region as a reward 
for the assistance which he had rendered in securing for him his 
crown. As the English had aided his unsuccessful rival, matters 
looked dark for them. In the war which followed, Clive, the 
clerk in the East India Company's . factory in Madras, showed 
his genius and power of leadership in the capture and defence of 
Arcot — an exploit that '^marked the turning point of the for- 
tunes of the English in India." His contact with Dupleix had 
impressed him with three important truths: first, that native 
armies were unable to resist the disciplined troops of Europe; 
that European discipline could easily be imparted to natives; 



INDIA 

in 1785 

I I British Dominions 

□ Mahratta and other 
Native States 




70 Longitude East 75 trom Greenwich SO 



Calicut^j \ponc(ioherry I I British 

fl^ Colombo.^ Ijl I [ Portuguese 

I^lflAN OCEAN CHin^lten'ie 



RIVAL COLONIAL AND COMMERCIAL POWERS 73 



and finally that in Asiatic warfare the true way to victory is to 

attack boldly and without hesitation. In 1753 he returned to 

England , having saved 

southeastern India from 

Dupleix, who was recalled 

to France in disgrace a 

year later. 

Sent back in 1755 as 
governor of Fort St. David 
near Madras, Clive soon 
found an opportunity for 
even greater service. 
Siraj-ud-daula, the native 
governor of Bengal, in all 
probability inspired by the 
French, suddenly attacked 
and captured Calcutta 
after a feeble resistance. 
He confined the 146 Eng- 
lish prisoners taken in a 
cell measuring only eigh- 
teen feet square, where 
they sweltered in agony 
for a whole night. When 
morning came and the 
prison was opened, only 
twenty-three were living. 
When the news of this 
outrage reached Clive, he 
hastened from Madras to Bengal, and with a tiny army of 
1000 Englishmen and 2000 sepoys inflicted a decisive defeat 
upon Siraj-ud-daula's army of 50,000 at Plassey (1757). This 
victory placed a large part of Bengal in the hands of the 
British. Three years later the French in the region of Madras 
were finally thwarted in all their plans of extending their power 




Robert Clive 

Robert, Lord Clive, here appears as 
the successful military governor and man 
of affairs whom Pitt hailed as "a heaven- 
born general. ' ' Three j^ears after Plassey, 
CUve returned to England with a great 
fortune, entered the House of Commons, 
and was raised to the peerage. During 
the years 1765 to 1767 Clive was sent 
back to India to introduce reforms, but 
he made many enemies and on his next 
return to England he had to face a par- 
liamentary inquiry as to his administra- 
tion. Disappointed and ill, he committed 
suicide. 



The Black Hole 
of Calcutta 



Plassey 



74 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Wandewash 



Causes 
of Seven 
Years' War 



at the battle of Wandewash, and the following year the English 
forces captured Pondicherry. Thus almost at the same time was 
ended the English-French struggle for supremacy in North 
America and in India. 

36. The Seven Years' War. — Thus far we have neglected 
the European background of this tremendous colonial struggle. 
Maria Theresa had never forgiven Frederick the Great for his 
seizure of Silesia, although his title to that province was es- 



AUiance 
between France 
and Austria 




Growth of Brandenburg — Prussia 

tabHshed by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. The position of 
Austria in Europe was strengthened by a secret treaty of alliance 
with France. This was an event of tremendous significance in 
that it immediately detached France from the number of her 
enemies and bound her closely to Austria. But it also divided 
the strength and energy of France at a time when the prose- 
cution of the struggle in Asia and America was at its height. 
This alliance was strengthened by the addition of Russia, 
whose empress was easily persuaded to take up arms against 
Prussia because of her hatred for its ruler. As England was at 
this time contending for colonial supremacy with France, she 
became Prussia's only ally and aided Frederick with grants of 



RIVAL COLONIAL AND COMMERCIAL POWERS -j^ 




William Pitt, Earl of 
Chatham 



money until the death of George II in 1760. When WilHam Pitt Policy of 
was called upon to direct the war he realized that the question ^*^"*™ ^'" 
of colonial supremacy would be settled 
as much upon the plains of Europe as 
in the forests of America, so he gave 
Frederick the Great all the assistance in 
his power. For several years Frederick 
maintained a desperate struggle against 
odds, but the death of the Empress 
Elizabeth in 1762 brought Peter III, a 
great admirer of Frederick, to the Rus- 
sian throne, and he promptly made 
peace with Prussia. France now was 
stripped of her colonies and weary of 
the war. Accordingly the treaties of 

Paris and Hubertsburg (1763) put an end to this gigantic 
struggle. 

By the former compact England received Florida from Spain Treaty of 
in return for Cuba, which she had captured during the war, and 
was confirmed in her title to Canada, Nova Scotia, and Cape 
Breton Island. She also regained Minorca in the Mediter- 
ranean, which had been captured during the war. France ceded 
Louisiana to Spain and regained Pondicherry and other posts 
in India which she had lost during the war, but was never able 
to regain her lost supremacy in the East. Thus ended France's 
eighteenth-century dream of colonial empire. 

37. Attempts of England to Modify her Colonial Policy. — 
The situation in America during the War of the Austrian Suc- 
cession and at the opening of the Seven Years' War brought 
home to English administrators as never before the weaknesses 
of their colonial system. The accession of the Hanoverian 
rulers, and the development of party government under Walpole 
and his successors, had permitted a neglect of the colonies 
which not only tended to weaken the hold of the mother coun- 
try upon them but placed them at the mercy of England's 



Paris 



Colonial 
Cessions 



76 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Reasons 

for Change in 

Colonial Policy 



The Mercantile 
System in 
Theory 



The Molasses 
Act, 1733 



Restrictions on 
Manxrfacturing 



enemies in time of war. It was largely the necessity of uniting 
the forces of these oversea dominions against the encroachments 
of the French that prompted a more vigorous policy than had 
thus far been pursued. When the great struggle was over the 
situation seemed to demand that the American colonies should 
not only repay a part of the expenditure of the millions of pounds 
sterling which had been spent in establishing British dominion 
in America, but that they should help bear the burden of the new 
plans of defence which experience had shown to be so necessary. 

In theory the colonies had all along been regulated according 
to the principles laid down by the advocates of the mercantile 
system. Laws had been passed and regulations made in har- 
mony with these ideas. The Navigation Act of 1660 restricted 
colonial commerce to vessels built in English ship-yards and 
manned with crews of which at least three fourths were English 
subjects. Its object was to encourage the ship-building industry 
as well as to deprive the Dutch of their supremacy in the carry- 
ing trade. A second act passed in 1663 forbade the direct 
European importation by the colonies of goods of nations 
other than England. Such goods might be ordered through 
British merchants at an increased cost. A third law (1672) 
required the exportation of certain "enumerated articles," such 
as tobacco and rice, only by w^ay of England. 

Then again there was the Molasses Act (1733), which laid 
almost prohibitive duties upon molasses coming into the English 
colonies from Spanish or French possessions. Its purpose was 
to give the English planters in Jamaica a monopoly over the 
supply for New England's rum industry; but the New Eng- 
enders smuggled molasses in defiance of the act and the 
attempts to enforce it only increased the irritation felt against 
the mother country. Colonial manufacturing labored under the 
discouragement of laws to prevent all industries which might 
compete with those of England. Hat-making, woolen-weaving, 
and the manufacture of iron were among the industries which 
suffered by the restrictions. 



RIVAL COLONIAL AND COMMERCIAL POWERS 77 

These restrictions, however, were not excessive as viewed 
through the eyes of European statesmen of the time. The 
colony was expected to be of assistance to the mother country 
in furnishing a market for her manufactures. While the 
colonial policies of Spain and France choked out all healthful 
colonial development, England's policy limited her colonies 
only in certain directions. 

To administer these laws properly there had been created as Board of Trade 
early as the Stuart period a standing committee of the British 
Privy Council known as the Board of Trade. This Board re- 
ceived regular reports from colonial governors concerning the 
revenues of the colonies, the actions of their legislatures, and 
the state of agriculture and trade. It had the power to order 
the governors to veto offensive legislation by the colonial as- 
semblies. Besides this body there was a Secretary of State 
who gave attention to various colonial matters. A certain 
harmony of action was secured through the maintenance of 
agents in London by many of the colonies, who acted much 
as our consuls do. 

Furthermore, admiralty courts had been established in Amer- Admiralty 
ica to enforce the laws against smuggling and to assist in carrying 
out those trade regulations which were enacted in the interests 
of British commerce. The government possessed an even more 
effective method of control — in theory at least — in the 
charters granted to the separate colonies and in the power to 
appoint colonial governors. It was claimed by many English 
administrators that these charters could be withdrawn or Colonial 
annulled at will. By this means and through the officials ^ ^^^ 
appointed by the crown, it was always possible for the home 
government to make its power felt. "Having thrived on 
England's neglect of them," to quote Colonel Barre in the 
House of Commons, the colonists readily took offence as the 
hand of the mother country began to weigh more heavily upon 
them. 

All the necessary laws and machinery were at hand for con- 



78 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The Mercantile 
System in 
F>ractice 



trolling the colonies in the interest of the mother country, but 
they were either ignored or enforced in a desultory and hap- 
hazard fashion. The Whigs, or merchant class, controlled the 
government throughout the first half of the eighteenth century. 
So long as they were able to maintain their power at home and 
times were prosperous and markets were available for the 
exports of England, no one worried much about the ''far 
flung" Empire. It seemed more important in Walpole's time 
to maintain the Hanoverian dynasty against the efforts of the 
exiled Stuarts to overthrow it than to insist upon prerogative, 
or to engage in a struggle over principle. English ministers 
were more engrossed in plans for attaining party success than 
in measures of imperial defence, or in binding these scattered 
territories more closely to the mother country. Then too, 
times were good and they did not propose to worry about 
colonial matters. So long as the Tory minority commanded 
good prices for their agricultural products, they too wasted 
little time or thought over colonial or imperial problems. 

But bitter experience, as has already been pointed out, gradu- 
ally emphasized the necessity of an abandonment of the motto 
which had guided Walpole and the statesmen of his generation 
"to let sleeping dogs lie." The colonies began to be aware of 
this in the period between 1750 and 1770. One of the earliest 
evidences of the change was the more stringent enforcement of 
the laws against smuggling. However, this policy was never 
fully carried out. Custom-houses for the collection of the tariffs 
on specified goods were not established until there was a profit- 
able trade in these goods, and then the customs officers con- 
nived with the colonial merchants in the practice of smuggling 
the goods into the country. 

There had been times when the home government realized 
the importance of uniformity in the handling of the colonies and 
the desirability of administrative unity. James II had sent 
Sir Edmund Andros over to effect this, but his short tenure of 
office soon terminated the experiment. Each colony continued 



RIVAL COLONIAL AND COMMERCIAL POWERS 79 



to be treated as a separate unit, and there was little accom- 
plished in the direction of consolidation or unification. 

The situation was complicated by the aims and policies of 
George III, the new ruler of England, who had ascended the 
throne three years before the close of the Seven Years' War. 
He dishked the cabinet 
government which had 
developed in England 
during the reigns of the 
first two Georges, for he 
wished to rule as well as 
reign. From babyhood 
his mother had urged 
upon him the motto, 
" George, be king! " and 
he determined to destroy 
the power of the ministry 
and be a king indeed, as 
was the French monarch. 
Poorly educated, narrow- 
minded, unable to grasp 
the difficult problems pre- 
sented by the colonial sit- 
uation, he nevertheless possessed industry and a power in politi- 
cal intrigue. In justice to this man, whom the Americans for- 
merly painted as a tyrant of the worst possible type, it must be 
said that in his personal character he excelled most of the states- 
men of his time. To attain the power which he coveted he 
entered the political arena and by open bribery, or by more 
stealthy flattery and an appeal to self-interest, surrounded him- 
self with a group of men called the " king's friends." He was 
now in a position to act as his own prime minister, as this group 
was powerful enough to give his measures a majority in parlia- 
ment. He did not dispense with the office of prime minister, 
however, but those who filled it were gradually reduced to the 





^&^ 


1 


^ 


^mM 


iW 


M 


w^ "■ * 


^Sk 


i 


ft 




I-. i 


M$i 


Wi^ ti 



King George III of England 



Alms and 
Character of 
George m 



8o ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Measures of 
Grenville 



Stamp Act 
Congress 



position of the king's agents. He became responsible for their 
acts, as had not been true in the case of his royal predecessors. 

38. The Opposition in America. — In 1763 George Grenville 
was made prime minister, and in 1764, with the support of 
his royal master, he ''adopted a series of measures relating to 
the American Colonies w^hich produced the first of a series of 
explosions that led to the Revolutionary War and the consequent 
dismemberment of the British Empire." ^ He believed that the 
colonies should be taxed to make up the deficit caused by the 
French and Indian War; that a force should be maintained in 
the colonies for their defence; and that the entire colonial 
administration should be remodelled in the interest of uni- 
formity and of efiiciency. Accordingly, resolutions w^ere offered 
in parliament, declaring it to be the policy of the government to 
impose a stamp tax, and in 1765 such an act was passed. A new 
Sugar Act was passed, reducing the former prohibitive rates on 
molasses imported from the West Indies, but imposing new duties 
upon coffee, pimento, white sugar, and indigo from the Spanish 
and French West Indies, and upon wine from the Madeiras and 
the Azores — a measure which, if enforced, would bring ruin 
to many a New England merchant and trader. A measure was 
also enacted authorizing the despatch of 10,000 soldiers to 
America and providing that one third of the cost of their main- 
tenance should be paid by the proceeds of the revenue laws in 
force in America. The colonists, while protesting in the famous 
Stamp Act Congress against England's attempt to impose 
internal taxes, such as the Stamp Act, acknowledged the right 
of parHament to regulate external taxation. Yet smuggUng 
continued on such a scale that the government decided to put 
an end to it. The protest against the Stamp Act found an 
approving voice in parliament. William Pitt, now the Earl of 
Chatham, came from a sick-bed to argue moderation and reason 
in the treatment of the colonies, and the act was repealed. 

In 1766 Townshend became the leading figure lin the cabi- 
^ See Cross, England, pp. 746 ff. 



RIVAL COLONIAL AND COMMERCIAL POWERS 8 1 

net. He was in hearty accord with Grenville's colonial policy The Townshend 

and at once proposed a series of restrictive measures which are ^'^^^ 

known by his name. He undertook to defray the expenses of 

maintaining troops in America by external taxes. Port duties 

were therefore levied on tea, glass, paper, and red and white 

lead. A Board of Commissioners was established at Boston to 

try cases of smuggling, and Writs of Assistance ^ were specifi- Writs of 

cally legalized for use in obtaining evidence for such trials. At ^^^'s****<=® 

the same time, in order to punish the New York Assembly for 

disobedience in the matter of furnishing supplies to the British 

troops quartered on that colony, Townshend secured the passage 

of a law suspending the law-making power of the Assembly 

until it should have followed instructions concerning supplies. 

Townshend died suddenly in 1767, but his policy was not 

relaxed. 

The colonies were united in their hostility to the Townshend 
measures. Prominent merchants in Boston, New York, and 
other important towns formed agreements to import none of 
the taxed goods until the act should be repealed. The women Non-inter- 
formed societies called ''Daughters of Liberty" and pledged ^^^g^g^^jg^jg 
themselves to use only " made-in- America " goods. Samuel 
Adams, a prominent brewer of Boston, prepared for the Massa- 
chusetts Assembly a set of resolutions addressed to the ministry, 
a petition to George III, and a letter to be circulated in the Petitions to 
various colonial assemblies. The government ordered the gov- ^"siand 
ernors to prevent the assemblies from meeting, and troops were 
stationed in Boston in 1768. The spirit of revolt flamed out 
in the colonies. British revenue officers were mobbed while 
attempting to collect duties, or as they tried to seize smug- 
glers. Soldiers and citizens rioted in the streets of Boston, and 
five colonists were killed. When the government seemed in- 
clined to withdraw from its position and repealed all the duties 

1 These writs were in effect warrants signed by the Court, giving the 
officers of customs the right to search private houses when suspected of 
containing smuggled goods. 



82 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

except that on tea, ships bringing tea were captured by daring 
Americans and their cargoes dumped overboard or boldly car- 
ried ashore to be sold without one penny of taxation. 

Attempts to unify the American colonies by means of con- 
gresses had been made for nearly a century. At the time of the 
War of the Palatinate and of the last French and Indian War, 
congresses had been held to consider means of defence against 
Indian raids and to lay plans for a more effective union. The 
Stamp Act Congress (1765), to which reference has already been 
made, brought together representatives from nine colonies in 
New York. Committees were appointed in the Massachusetts 
towns, and later in most of the colonies, to correspond with other 
towns in order to keep them informed concerning the latest 
actions of the British and to make plans for united resistance. 
The First Thesc brought forth in 1774 the first truly continental con- 

Continental ^ ' ' ^ -^ . 

Congress grcss, for twclvc colomcs were represented m it. This congress 

drew up a statement of the position of Americans concerning 
representation and taxation, petitioned the king for reforms, 
and appealed to the people of the province of Quebec to 
unite with them. Before they adjourned they provided for 
a second meeting in 1775. United action by the colonies 
at this time was hastened by five acts of parliament passed 
in 1774, which, because of their oppressive character, are 
known as the Five Oppressive or Intolerable Acts. These 

The Intolerable were (i) The Boston Port Act, closing Boston harbor and 
compelling all commerce to reach Boston from the Port of 
Salem; (2) The Regulating Act, setting aside the self- 
governing features of the Massachusetts charter; (3) The 
Transportation Act, providing that all government officers charged 
with crime might be transported to another colony or to Britain 
for trial; (4) The Quartering Act, billeting soldiers on the in- 
habitants of Boston; and (5) The Quebec Act, adding the re- 
gion north of the Ohio and east of the Mississippi to the 
province of Quebec, thus virtually nullifying all land grants in 
the northern colonial charters. 



Acts 



RIVAL COLONIAL AND COMMERCIAL POWERS 83 

War had already begun when the members of the second The second 
continental congress assembled at Philadelphia in May, 1775, ^°'^*"^®°*** 
and there was need for action. It accordingly arranged for 
financing the war by borrowing money and issuing continental 
currency, 'and authorized the formation of a continental army 
and navy. The following year the tide had set in toward inde- 
pendence in response to the bitter and insulting reception of all 
colonial petitions by the king and because of his employment 
against the colonies of several thousand mercenary soldiers, 
from Hesse in Germany. Thomas Paine, a young Eng- Thomas Paine 
hshman, somewhat discredited at home because of his reli- 
gious and social ideas and but recently landed in America, 
pubKshed in January, 1776, a brief treatise called Common 
Sense, urging independence. In June Richard Henry Lee 
proposed a resolution ''that these colonies are, and of 
right ought to be, free and independent states, and they 
are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and 
that all political connection between them and the state of 
Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." July 4, Declaration of 
1776, saw the passage of the Declaration of Independence, i°<iependence 
which was drawn up by a committee of Congress, headed by 
Jefferson. England had lost her American colonies south of 
the St. Lawrence. The importance of this step from the stand- 
point of European history was that it enabled the United States 
to isolate Great Britain by a series of foreign alliances, especially 
with France. 

39. The American Revolution. — The first two years of 
fighting were marked by skirmishes around Boston, an ill- 
advised American invasion of Canada, the capture of New York 
by General Howe, and the briUiant raids of Washington on Tren- 
ton and Princeton. In the summer of 1777 England set herself 
determinedly to work to separate New England, the hot-bed of 
the rebellion, from the rest of the colonies. A threefold plan Campaign of 
of campaign was arranged: General Burgoyne was to move south ^'^^^^^ 
from Canada by Lake Champlain and the upper Hudson Valley; 



84 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Saratoga and 
the French 
Alliance 



Surrender of 
Cornwallis 



The Armed 
Neutrality 



The Peace of 
Paris (1783) 



St. Leger was to move up the St. Lawrence to Lake Ontario, 
thence to the Mohawk Valley and follow that river to its con- 
fluence with the Hudson, effecting a junction with Burgoyne; 
while Howe was to move from New York up the Hudson to meet 
the other armies. Through the carelessness of the Fritish war 
office, Howe did not receive the details of the plan, and instead 
went on a campaign of his own to capture Philadelphia by a 
roundabout sea route through the Chesapeake. This campaign 
was successful as far as the capture of Philadelphia was con- 
cerned, but it really crippled the important campaign of that year 
by the withdrawal of Howe's forces. St. Leger was turned back 
in the Mohawk Valley, and Burgoyne was forced to surrender 
his entire army at Saratoga. This victory turned the eyes of 
France upon America and brought aid in the form of a generous 
loan of money and in an offensive and defensive alliance against 
Great Britain. After the failure of the northern campaign. Great 
Britain gave her attention to the southern colonies and was 
in the main successful until Cornwallis was trapped on the 
Yorktown peninsula by Washington's army while the French 
fleet prevented reenforcements from reaching him. The sur- 
render of Cornwallis marked the close of British efforts in 
America. France was reaping a royal revenge upon her ancient 
rival. A combined French and Spanish fleet swept the English 
channel clear of British ships and seized British colonies. The 
states of the north of Europe took issue with the British claim 
to the right of search of neutral vessels on the high seas by 
establishing a league known as the ''Armed Neutrality," which 
defended the doctrine that "Free ships make free goods." 
Finding herself either at war or on bad terms with most of 
Europe, Great Britain was finally forced to make peace. By 
the treaty ending the war, England acknowledged the inde- 
pendence of the United States, rehnquished Florida and Minorca 
to Spain, and the disputed territory west of the Appalachians 
to the United States. 

England's failure to reconquer her American colonies was a 



RIVAL COLONIAL AND COMMERCIAL POWERS 85 

death blow to the ambitions of George III in the direction of 
absolute monarchy. Although he continued to reign until 1820, 
never again was he in a position to control affairs. A political 
house-cleaning soon followed under the direction of the younger The Younger 
Pitt, who has been described as "not a chip of the old block, ^" 




Territory. Lost 
Territory Retained 



The British Colonial Empire in 1783, Showing Territory Lost 
BY THE American Revolution 



but the old block itself." He weeded out of the government 
service many of the corrupt politicians who had disgraced the 
old Whig rule. Especially important to England was the change 
in colonial policy wrought by the American revolution. She had 
learned a hard lesson in the bitter school of experience. No 
longer did she regard her colonies merely as a source of revenue, 
but treated them instead as outgrowths of the mother country, 
entitled to a large degree of self-government. Adam Smith's 
attack upon the mercantile system needed no stronger indorse- 
ment. Events in America were his justification. In 1776 he 
had proclaimed the death knell of mercantilism, even as the 
American colonies had proclaimed the death knell of foreign 
control over a large part of the American continent. 



86 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



SUGGESTIVE TOPICS AND QUESTIONS FOR 
, FURTHER STUDY 

I, Give arguments to prove the decay of the older colonial powers. 
2. Describe the work of the Jesuit explorers in North America. 3. De- 
scribe in some detail the French colonial system in America. 4. Treat in a 
similar manner the British colonial system. 5. Describe the empire of the 
Mughals. 6. Comment upon the statement that the chief importance of 
the Palatinate War lies in the fact that it was a forecast of the greater strug- 
gle to come. 7. Read Southey's poem, "Blenheim." 8. Discuss the ques- 
tion as to whether the "balance of power" theory has harmed more than it 
has benefited Europe. When was it originated? 9. Explain how the Methuen 
Treaty gave England a commercial dictatorship over Portugal. 10. Why did 
the English people prefer George of Hanover to James Edward Stuart for 
their ruler? 1 1 . How did Frederick II wm the designation of ' ' The Great ' ' ? 
12. Give a longer biographical sketch of Clive. 13. Discuss the terms of 
the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle as a remote cause of the American Revolution. 
14. Explain the diplomatic revolution which occurred in Europe prior to 
the opening of the Seven Years' War. 15. What possessions in India does 
France still retain? 16. Read the speech made by William Pitt in defence 
of the colonies. 17. Compare the plan for colonial union which James II 
attempted to put into operation with that proposed by Franklin at the 
Albany Congress. 18. Read the Declaration of Independence and point 
out specific instances of the offences charged therein against George III. 
19. Ludlow says, " Paradoxical as it may seem, two things must equally sur- 
prise the reader on studying the history of the war of American independ- 
ence, — the first, that England should ever have considered it possible to 
succeed in subduing her revolted colonies; the second, that she should not 
have succeeded in doing so." Interpret this statement. 20. Look up 
the career of Wilkes and his connection with George Ill's attempt at 
personal government. 

Collateral Re.ading 

I. Colonial Policies. 

Cunningham, Growth of EngHsh Industry and Commerce, Vol. 
II, part I, pp. 331 ff. Seeley, The Expansion of England, pp. 56- 
76. Thwaites, The Colonies, pp. 45-63. Shepherd, Latin America, 
pp. 19-29. Seignobos, Contemporary Civilization, pp. 29-41. 
Becker, Beginnings of American People, Chapter IV. 
IL Louis XIV's Wars. 

Robinson and Beard, Development of Modern Europe, Vol. I, 
pp. 14-49. Grant, History of Europe, pp. 500-3, 507-18. 
Cross, History of England and Greater Britain, pp. 617-9, 
629-36, 644-8, 652-72. 
III. The Struggle for India. 

Seeley, pp. 197-216. Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 80-100. 
Seignobos, pp. 41-7. Beard, Introduction to English Historians 



RIVAL COLONIAL AND COMMERCIAL POWERS 87 

(Lyall), pp. 443-51- Hayes, Modern Europe, Vol. I, pp. 315-7. 
Longman, Frederick the Great, pp. 185-205. Cross, pp. 720-2, 
734-6. 
IV. The Struggle for America. 

Cross, pp. 722, 729-33- Longman, pp. 167-84. Robinson and 
Beard, Vol. I, pp. 101-21. Beard (Mahon), pp. 452-65. Thwaites, 
pp. 252-7. Hassall, The Making of the British Empire, pp. 41-57. 
Bradley, Canada, pp. 34-65. Hart, Formation of the Union, 
pp. 22-41. Hayes, Vol. I, pp. 312-5. 
V. The Wars of Frederick the Great. 

Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 60-79. Priest, Germany since 1740, 
pp. 10-22. Longman, pp. 30-63, 89-166. Guedalla, Partition of 
Europe, pp. 36-67. Hayes, Vol. I, pp. 354-62. 
VI. The American Revolution. 

Hart, pp. 43-110- Van Tyne, The American Revolution. Fiske, 
The American Revolution. Seeley, pp. 141-160. Ludlow, The 
War for American Independence. Guedalla, pp. 92-112. Becker, 
Chapter VI. Cross, pp. 738-81. Hayes, Vol. I, pp. 322-40. 

Source Studies 

1. How Europe began to extend its commerce over the whole world. 

Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European History, 
Vol. I, pp. 90-5. 

2. England gains a foothold in India. Ihid., pp. 95-101. 

3. The War of the Spanish Succession. Ibid., pp. 39-53. 

4. A Spanish colonial official's account of English trade in the West 

Indies. Ihid., pp. 73-6. 

5. India under the later Mughals. Ihid., pp. 101-4. 

6. England and Siraj-ud-daula; The Black Hole of Calcutta; Plassey. 

Ihid., pp. 105-10. Cheyney, Readings in English History, 
PP- 590-3- Colby, Selections from the Sources of English His- 
tory, pp. 245-7. 

7. Marquette on the Mississippi. Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 

116-21. 

8. A Frenchman's account of Braddock's defeat. Ibid., pp. 126-7. 

9. General Wolfe and the battle at Quebec. Ibid., pp. 127-^0; Colby, 

pp. 247-50; Cheyney, pp. 597-601. 

10. Louis XV's view of the Seven Years' War. Robinson and Beard, 

Readings, Vol. I, pp. 77-80. 

11. Franklin's Albany plan. West, Source Book in American History, 

pp. 358-63. 

12. Sugar act. /Z»/^., pp. 369-72. 

13. The stamp act. Ibid., pp. 373-80. Hill, Liberty Documents, 

Chapter XII. 

14. The non-importation policy. West, pp. 380-6. 

15. Committees of Correspondence. Ibid., pp. 387-94. 



88 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

i6. Tea riots. Ibid., pp. 394-5. Robinson and Beard, Readings, 
Vol. I, pp. 130-2. 

17. Continental congresses. West, pp. 396-442. 

18. Pitt on withdrawing English troops from Boston. Robinson and 

Beard, Readings, Vol. I, pp. 132-3. 

19. Burke's speech on conciliation. Cheyney, pp. 628-31. 

20. Policy of taxation. Grenville. Lee, Source Book of English His- 

tory, pp. 474-5- 

21. Pitt on conciliation. Ibid., pp. 475-7. Tuell and Hatch, Readings 

in English History, pp. 359-63. 

22. The right to tax. (Mansfield) Lee, pp. 477-80. 

23. Declaration of Independence. West, pp. 359-63. Hill, Chapter 

XIV. 

24. Extracts from the diary of a Tory refugee. Cheyney, pp. 631-3. 

25. George III and the American Revolution. Ibid., pp. 634-44. Rob- 

inson and Beard, Readings, Vol. I, pp. 133-5. 

26. Cornwallis's own report of his surrender. Ibid., pp. 135-7. 

27. Peace negotiations. White and Notestein, Source Problems in 

English History, pp. 283-328. 

Suggestions for Map Work 

I. Show on an outline map the colonial empires of the Dutch, Spanish, 
French, Portuguese, and English at the beginning of the eighteenth cen- 
tury. 2. Show on an outline map of India the empire of the Mughals 
and the British and French spheres of influence in the eighteenth cen- 
tury. 3. Show the terms of the Peace of Utrecht, in Europe; in America. 
4. Show the strategic points of the French and Indian War in America and 
the terms of the Peace of Paris (1763). 5. Show the strategic points and 
principal campaigns of the American Revolution. 6. Show the terms of 
the Peace of Paris (1783). 

Map References 

Shepherd, Historical Atlas. Holt. Spread of colonization to 1700, p. 128. 
The Mughal empire in 1700; India, 1700-92, p. 137. Principal seats of war 
in Europe, 1700-21, p. 129. Europe in 1740, p. 130. Principal seats of war 
in Europe, 1740-63, p. 132. Treaty adjustments, 1713-63, p. 133. Struggle 
for colonial dominion, 1700-63, p. 136. British colonies in North America, 
1763-75, p. 194. Campaigns of the American Revolution, 1775-81, 
p. 195. Peace of 1783, p. 196. 

Dow, Atlas of European History. Holt. Colonial empires, p. 16. 
Europe in 1715, p. 21. Growth of British empire in India, p. 30, Europe 
in the Americas, p. 31. 

Muir, School Atlas of Modern History. Holt. Colonial empires, p. 38. 
Colonization of North America, p. 42. North America, 1750-83, p. 43, 
India in the eighteenth century, p. 45. The world at the treaty of Paris 



RIVAL COLONIAL AND COMMERCIAL POWERS 89 

1763, p. 39. Battle of Blenheim, p. xviii. Territorial acquisitions of Louis 
XIV, p. 13. 

Gardiner, Atlas of English History. Longmans. The Netherlands, 
1702, p. 39, Western Europe, 1702, p. 40. Western Europe by the Treaty 
of Utrecht, p. 41. Europe in 1730, p. 43. The Silesian and Seven Years' 
Wars, p. 44. Eastern and Central America, 1755, p. 45. Eastern and 
Central America, 1763, p. 46. The World, 1772, p. 47. Treaty of 1783, 
p. 48. Battle of Blenheim, p. 78. Siege of Quebec, p. 80. 

Robertson-Bartholomew, Historical Atlas of Modern History. Oxford 
Press. The Partitions of Poland, 1772-95, No. 27. 

Bibliography 

Beard. Introduction to the English Historians. Macmillan. 

Becker. Beginnings of American People. Houghton Mifflin. 

Bradley. Canada. Holt. 

Cheyney. Readings in English History. Ginn. 

Colby. Selections from the Sources of English History. Longmans. 

Cross. A History of England and Greater Britain. Macmillan. 

Cunningham. Groivth of English Industry and Commerce, Volume II. Cam- 
bridge University Press. 

Fiske. The American Revolution. In two volumes. Houghton Mifflin. 

Grant. A History of Europe. Longmans. 

Guedalla. Partition of Europe. Oxford University Press. 

Hart. Formation of the Union. Longmans. 

Hassall. Making of the British Empire. Scribner. 

Hayes, The Political and Social History of Modern Europe. Volume I, 
Macmillan. 

Hill. Liberty Documents. Longmans. 

Johnson. Age of Enlightened Despot, i66o-iy8g. Macmillan. 

Lee. Source Book of English History. Holt. 

Longman. Frederick the Great. Longmans. 

Ludlow. The War for American Independence. Longmans. 

Priest. Germany since 1740. Ginn. 

Robinson and Beard. Development of Modern Europe, Volume I. Ginn. 

Robinson and Beard. Readings in Modern European History, Volume I. 
Ginn. 

Seeley. Expansion of England. Little, Brown. 

Seignobos. Contemporary Civilization. Scribner. 

Shepherd. Latin America. Holt. 

Smith. Student's History of India. Oxford University Press. 

Thwaites. The Colonies. Longmans. 

Tuell and Hatch. Readings in English History. Ginn. 

Van Tyne. The American Revolution. Harper. 

West. Source Book in American History. Allyn and Bacon. 

White and Notestdn. Source Problems in English History. Harper. 



CHAPTER IV 

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. THE END OF THE OLD 
ORDER IN FRANCE 



The Ancien 
Regime 



Origin 



The Nobility 
and Clergy 



40. The Old Order and the Reform Movement in France. — 

We have already noted how by the middle of the eighteenth cen- 
tury certain parts of Europe began to be stirred by a reform 
movement. It has already been pointed out how important 
was the share of the French writers in spreading throughout 
Europe these new ideas of how society, business, and govern- 
ment should be readjusted, remodelled, and transformed. The 
old adage that a prophet is not without honor save in his own 
country and among his own kindred seems to have been true 
here, as it was some time before these teachings were applied to 
conditions at home. French society, the French system of 
government, French industry, all called loudly for reorganiza- 
tion and reform. This period of French history, before 1789, 
is usually referred to by French writers as the ancien regime 
or old order. Some light has already been thrown upon the 
conditions which made this old order vexatious and intolerable. 

41. Class Privileges. — In the first place there existed in 
France the most pronounced inequality between classes. 
French society was about where it was five centuries before 
when feudalism was at its height and when inequality was the 
only principle recognized in according to each citizen his posi- 
tion in the social scale. The clergy formed a separate class, as 
did also the nobility and the bourgeoisie or townspeople. En- 
trance into the ranks of the nobility was secured by birth or 
through the payment of large sums of money ; the more influen- 
tial positions in the church were reserved for the younger sons of 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 91 

noble families. It therefore came about that these two classes 
had much in common. It seemed to the average citizen, that the 
whole government, the very country in which he dwelt, had been 
specially set apart for the enjoyment and participation of the 
few. Had not a special place of residence been erected for them 
at Versailles upon a scale of unprecedented magnificence? Did 
they not set the fashions in dress and prescribe the rules of 
etiquette for the rest of society? When it is borne in mind Numbers 
that only 600,000 out of a population of 25,000,000 were mem- 
bers of the privileged orders or classes, — in other words but one 
in forty, — it is not surprising that the bourgeois viewed the 
situation as he did. A nobleman was looked upon as a being far Social Prestige 
removed from the common herd and entitled to a peculiar 
deference and consideration. And yet the nobles as a class did 
Uttle to merit this special favor. They lived in luxury and ease, 
disdaining to take an active part in the development of their 
country, whether it was along political, agricultural, or com- 
mercial Unes, preferring rather to while away their time at 
court in intrigue or gossip, varying the monotony occasionally 
by fighting duels or indulging in some wild escapade. From 
the high pedestal upon which they stood they looked down 
upon and despised the men and women who toiled. They have 
been aptly compared to the drones in the hive. 

42. Feudal Survivals. — Feudalism had originally conferred 
upon this class much of its superiority and power. Although 
outgrown as a system of government and regarded by the 
thinking classes as an obstacle to satisfactory progress in trade 
or agriculture, enough of its privileges survived to make it a 
strong bulwark for the upper classes. It seems strange that 
under an absolute monarchy so many of its customs should have 
persisted, but no effort had been put forth to abolish them 
when a Henry IV or Louis XIV were gathering into their own 
hands the reins of authority. For example there was the 
right to hunt. Not only was this right enjoyed by the king. Right to Hunt 
but every great lord as well retained the privilege of over- 



92 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



running the little farms in his neighborhood in the pursuit of 
rabbits or deer in season. In such districts the peasant farmer 
was forbidden to build fences to enclose his fields, or to wage 
warfare upon some of the animal pests, which, while they 
furnished amusement for the upper classes, wreaked destruction 
upon his growing crops. Many of the duties which these 
peasants had formerly owed their masters or overlords were now 
discharged by payments of money. It was particularly galling 
Feudal Dues to the peasant to continue indefinitely the payment of money 
in discharge of such obligations as a certain number of nights 
spent by their ancestors years before in beating the marshes to 
prevent the frogs from keeping her ladyship awake; or again 
to pay the feudal lord a sum of money when a parcel of ground 
was sold over which he exercised no real control and to which 
he had contributed nothing either for its maintenance or its 
improvement. It is estimated that 100,000 nobles owned one 
half of the land of France, and this ownership carried with it in 
many cases the enjoyment of privileges of this nature. Alto- 
gether the peasant paid to the overlord fourteen per cent of his 
entire income from his little holding. 

The existence of these and numerous other prerogatives 
divided France into two great classes, the privileged and the 
unprivileged. The most important privilege enjoyed by the 
upper classes was that of exemption from taxation. This 
right was enjoyed by the nobility and clergy and the wealthier 
bourgeois families. The injustice of the arrangement becomes 
apparent when we examine the state of French finances, the 
taxes which were laid, and their method of collection. 

43. Financial Mismanagement. — The reign of Louis XIV 
had been marked by extensive miUtary enterprises, each one of 
which had called for the expenditure of large sums of money. 
These ventures had not always turned out to the advantage of 
the French people, and the resulting debt had been correspond- 
Louis XV ingly heavy. Louis XV continued in the same path as his 

predecessor, recklessly and without foresight plunging France 



The Privileged 
and Unprivi- 
leged 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 93 

into wars which not only lost her valuable colonies but increased 
tremendously the indebtedness of the French nation. At the 
close of the reign of Louis XIV the national debt was esti- 
mated at $620,000,000; by 1789 nearly $50,000,000 was paid 
out annually for interest. 

Then too, a great deal of waste and extravagance was appar- 
ent in the conduct of the government. Vast sums were spent Pensions 
upon the court, not only for services actually rendered, but in 
the form of pensions. From seventeen to eighteen thousand 
people were in residence at Versailles, of whom sixteen thou- 
sand were attached to the court and in the pay of the state, 
performing the numerous services required by its luxury and 
magnificence. The others were hangers-on, awaiting the day 
when some act of royal favor should confer upon them the 
coveted pension. The sums required were enormous. " Madame 
Lamballe, for instance, was given $30,000 a year for acting as 
superintendent of the queen's household. Persons were 
appointed to offices the very duties of which had been forgotten. 
One young man was given a salary of $3600 for an office whose 
sole duty consisted in signing his name twice a year. The 
tutors of the king's children received $33,000 yearly, and the 
head chambermaid of the queen made $10,000 off the an- 
nual sale of partly burned candles." Instances of this sort 
might be multiplied. Those which have been cited belong to 
a period when the meaning of the word " economy" began to be 
appreciated. 

44. The System of Taxation. — The taxes laid by the gov- 
ernment to meet these tremendous demands upon it were of two 
kinds, direct and indirect. The most important of the former Kinds of Taxes 
were the taille, or land tax, which dated from the time of the 
Hundred Years' War, the capitation, or poll tax, and the twenti- 
eth, the two last named being devices of Louis XIV. Then there 
was the hated corvee, or forced labor upon government works. 
The taille, although roughly defined as a land tax, was not the The Taiiie 
same throughout the country. In the south it was levied upon 



94 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

real estate, and property values were assessed and taxed much as 
they are today. Elsewhere, however, it was a personal tax, 
estimated and apportioned according to the whim of the tax 
gatherer. He did not base the levy upon any data, but upon 
wealth which might or might not exist. The presence of 
chicken feathers about the peasant's cottage or a smug, well-fed 
look sufficed to warrant an increase in the amount demanded. 

Capitation Tax xhe capitation tax was apportioned as follows. The entire 
/. population of France was grouped into twenty- three classes; 

the tax rate was fixed for each class, each member of a class 
paying into the government a fixed sum. The Dauphin belonged 
to the highest class and was supposed to pay into the treasury 
2 GOG livres^; those in the lowest class were not required to pay 

Exemptions anything. The practice of exemptions, however, resulted in the 
collection being restricted to the lower classes, and compara- 
tively little came in from the nobles. This form of taxation 
called for from twenty to fifty per cent of the peasant's income. 

The Gabeiie The gahelU, OX tax upon salt, was perhaps the most notorious 

of the taxing devices of the central government. The sale of 
salt was a government monopoly. Every family was obliged to 
buy seven pounds of salt a year for every one of its members 
over seven years old. There was no question as to whether this 
amount was needed. What made the gahelle still more odious 
was that the price of salt varied in the different provinces, and 
for no apparent reason. In the neighborhood of Paris in the 
north the people were paying at the rate of 6g livres for the same 
quantity which in Brittany was selling at from two to three 
livres. Severe penalites were imposed upon those who were 
found guilty of infringements of the law. 

One form of indirect taxes was the duties laid upon food 
products, as, for example, when they were shipped from one 
province to another, or when they were brought into certain 



1 The livre was about the equivalent of the franc. The latter came 
into use at the period of the Revolution. 8i livres were equivalent to 
8o francs. 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 95 

cities. In the Middle Ages France had been a collection of 
semi-independent provinces. These boundary lines were still 
retained for purposes of taxation and administration. The 
burdensome nature of many of the customs duties may The customs 
be illustrated by a single instance. Wine was taxed at the ^""^^ 
moment of manufacture; when it was sold; from thirty-five 
to forty times on the road from Languedoc to Paris; at the 
entrance to the city; and finally when sold by the retailer to 
the consumer. Wine worth 150 francs at the place of pro- 
duction paid twenty-two francs in customs duties by the time 
it reached Paris. To cap the climax the law prescribed just 
how much wine should be consumed by each family, and 
if more was drunk the extra amount was subjected to a spe- 
cial tax. 

To these taxes laid by the authority of the central government The Tithe 
should be added the tithe which was paid to the church and the 
many feudal dues which bore so heavily on the country districts. 
The noble took toll at the wine press, at the mill, and often at 
the oven. In some cases these feudal privileges were all that 
remained to him of his former estate and power. 

The system, or absence of it, which marked the collection of System of 
these taxes made the burden so much the harder to bear. Since ^°^^^*^**°° 
1697 the indirect taxes had been farmed out to contractors for 
terms of six years. These contractors paid a fixed sum into the 
treasury and were expected to enrich themselves by grinding 
larger amounts out of the peasants. The land tax was enforced 
"in such a manner as to discourage land improvement." In 
cases where the taxes were not farmed out, their assessment 
and collection were under the supervision of the intendant, whose 
power "to exempt, change, add, or diminish" made the burden 
fall unequally upon the people. Each parish was supposed to 
collect its share of the taxes, and, as the collectors were per- 
sonally made liable for the amounts to be collected, the service 
became "the despair and almost the ruin of those obliged to 
perform it." 



96 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

45. Economic Burdens. — The existence of customs lines 
between provinces by which duties were collected on the move- 
ment of food and raw materials from one part of France to the 
other, the practice of monopolizing and speculating in the very 
necessities of life, such as grain, and the organization of industry 
on mediaeval lines (sec. 14), with the pernicious system just de- 
scribed, placed the French people at a tremendous disadvantage 
economically. The customs barriers prevented the inhabitants 
of a province in which the crop was light from profiting by the 
plentiful supply of their next-door neighbors, and for the same 
reason these neighbors were denied the market which was 
rightfully theirs. Add to this the persistent efforts to corner 
the wheat and grain market to which royalty itself was too 
often a party, and the want and starvation which were so 
common are easily explained. 

46. Organization of the Government. — Many of the con- 
ditions already described were aggravated by the entire absence 
of system in the conduct of the government. There was not 
only an utter indifference to the ordinary rules of bookkeeping 
in the administration of the finances, but there were also a great 
number of local privileges and customs which had been allowed 
to remain when the separate kingdoms and principalities had 
been consolidated and welded together to form the French 
nation. Although in theory the monarch's slightest wish had 
all the force of law and he knew no restraint, in practice he 
had allowed the old provincial lines to be maintained, in many 
cases for purposes of administration, thus creating a number 
of conflicting local privileges and powers. A great deal of 

The Provinces confusion was the result. Provinces retained in some cases 
their peculiar systems of weights and measures and their local 
usages. This often gave rise to a narrow provincial spirit. 
The people of Artois, for example, requested that they be 
governed by their own people, and the inhabitants of Dauphine 
were bold enough to proclaim that 'Hhey were in the king- 
dom but not a part of it." The actual administrative units 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 97 

were cumbersome and complicated, and there was altogether 
wanting any true administrative unity. 

47. The Administration of Justice. — Several defects were 
apparent in the administration of justice. The judges of the 
courts either purchased these positions from the king or had 
inherited them. This practice was not confined, however, The Courts 
merely to the administration of justice, but was true of all 
administrative offices, even extending into the army. The 
jurisdiction of one court often overlapped that of another — a 

further illustration of the persistence or survival of outgrown 
practices from feudal times. Those courts which were known 
as parlements seem to have exercised considerable power and 
influence in the years immediately preceding the Revolution, 
as will appear later. There were thirteen of them, and they 
had both original and appellate jurisdiction within their 
respective districts, which were unequal in size. The criminal 
laws of the time retained all the ferocity and savagery 
which marked primitive justice. A violation of the game 
laws, which today would involve a penalty of 25 francs, was 
punished by life sentence to the galleys. 

The arbitrary character of the government is best illustrated Lettres de 
in the use of lettres de cachet, or letters of the seal. These 
were blank warrants which made it possible for the king or any 
one of his agents to arrest and imprison at his pleasure in such 
state fortresses as the Bastille any one of his subjects who had 
incurred his displeasure. The victim was often in entire igno- 
rance of the cause of his arrest, and, as he was given no hearing, 
languished in captivity until such time as it pleased those in 
authority to release him. These orders were often granted to 
fathers to restrain their wayward sons or to favorites to wreak 
vengeance upon their enemies. Dickens, in his Tale of Two 
Cities, illustrates their use in the imprisonment of Dr. Manette. 

48. Condition of the Common People. — The full crushing 

weight of these burdens and this system rested upon the peas- The Peasant 
ants who probably comprised nearly nine tenths of the popula- 



98 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

tion. Their misery was still further increased by the nefarious 
practice of grain speculation, to which reference has already 
been made, and by a series of short harvests and consequent 
famines which marked the close of the century. If the peasant's 
little crop by any chance proved a failure, starvation and death 
stared him in the face, as the tax collector was ever present 
and knew no mercy. In some parts of France his lot was not 
much above that of his cattle. Men, women, and children, 
battling against such odds in the struggle for existence, became 
gray and prematurely old and found an early grave. 

With all this misery it is probably true that the people of 
France as a whole were much more prosperous than were their 
neighbors. Although the peasant was "the pack mule of the 
state" (to quote Cardinal RicheHeu), in many ways, taking the 
French peasant class as a whole, his lot was far superior to that 
of the peasant elsewhere, save in England, where feudalism had 
long since disappeared. The average of intelligence was also 
higher in France than elsewhere on the continent, even among 
the working classes. Then, too, there was a larger, a more 
prosperous, and a more intelligent middle class to appreciate 
and to give ear to the attacks of the philosophers and economists 
upon the old outgrown system just described. It was galling 
in the extreme for these self-respecting citizens to accord to the 
nobility and clergy a deference and consideration which they 
were doing nothing to deserve, or rather everything to forfeit, 
and to realize that often a mere accident of birth had fixed an 
impassable gulf between them and their more fortunate 
brethren. 

49. Agitation under Louis XV. — The general mismanage- 
ment and indifference which marked the reign of Louis XV 
made these defects in the old order more glaring and apparent 
and served to increase the burden which was already becoming 
intolerable. Louis XV seems to have had an insight into the 
future, if the remark attributed to him be true, "After me 
the Deluge." Upon his shoulders should rest much of the 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 



99 



responsibility for the crisis which his successor faced on his 
accession to the throne in 1774. As the reign of Louis XV drew 
near its close the attacks of the writers became more bitter, 
and as a result a few earnest, conscientious administrators were 
to be found striving to correct some of these evils. Perhaps 
the book which exercised the greatest influence in stirring the 
bourgeoisie to action was 
Rousseau's Social Contract, 
in which he set forth his 
theory that what the times 
demanded was a return to 
the natural state of man, 
where no class distinctions 
were known and where 
government allowed the 
individual the freest possi- 
ble exercise of his indivi- 
dual aptitudes and talents. 
The application of this 
idea to business .and indus- 
try gave rise to the group 
of economists who, while 
they urged the greatest 
possible development of 
the natural resources of the country, demanded that the gov- 
ernment should cease to regulate industry and burden the 
worker. These economists were known as physiocrats, and 
their attitude was characterized as the laissez-faire or ''hands- 
off" theory of the relation of government to business and 
industry. 

50. Louis XVI and his Efforts at Reform. — In the midst of 
this ferment of ideas Louis XVI ascended the throne. He was 
a good-natured, well-meaning monarch. He lacked, however, 
the aggressiveness and initiative which the times demanded. 
He allowed himself to be talked first into one way of handling a 




Louis XVI, King of France 



Rousseau's 
Social Contract 



The 
Physiocrats 



Character of 
Louis XVI 



00 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Turgot and 
his Reforms 



Nature of 
his Reforms 



problem and then into another. The man who had his ear 
for the moment was master of the situation. Unfortunately, 
time and again the influence of the queen was thrown into the 
scales to thwart and crush many of the reforms which were 
launched in the early years of the reign. Louis XVI was not 
the cynical, indifferent ruler that his predecessor had been, but 
he was a person of such mediocre talents and of such incon- 
stancy of purpose that, instead of being the man of the hour, 
he proved to be a mere creature of circumstances, buffeted and 
tossed about with every breeze of fortune. 

It was the sad state of the finances which brought matters to a 
climax. Louis XVI faced national bankruptcy. It augured 
well for the future, that in this dilemma he called to his aid the 
intendant Turgot, who had been laboring on a smaller scale in 
the province of Limousin to bring order and system out of the 
chaos and confusion which were characteristic of the time. 
Turgot was saturated with the new ideas, and immediately upon 
taking office threw himself heart and soul into the task of remov- 
ing abuses and systematizing the financial administration. He 
counselled economy and sought to realize it by cutting down 
many of the pensions and useless expenditures connected with 
the court. He was not content to remove these, but set himself 
the more difficult task of gradually evolving a better taxing 
system. He abolished the corvee and removed the restrictions 
placed by the zealous merchants and artisans upon entrance 
into the guilds, by which they had built up vexatious mono- 
pohes (sec. i6). He also did much to prevent the cor- 
nering of grain and to make possible its free movement from 
province to province and its ready sale. At every point, 
however, he met with opposition, particularly from the court 
and the queen. His enemies easily secured the king's ear and 
compassed his downfall. With his retirement from office went 
the last hope of extricating France from her difiiculties. This 
was in May, 1776. The spirit which actuated all that he did 
stands out clearly in his letter to the king. ''My desire, Sire, 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 



01 



is that you may come to believe that I have looked upon the 
dark side and have shown you dangers which do not exist. I 
hope that time will not justify me." 

51. Necker and the Summoning of the States General. — 
After this matters went from bad to worse. Most of Turgot's 
work was undone. One of his opponents, the banker Necker, 
was soon called in to take his 
place and to avert if possible 
the threatened bankruptcy. 
Skilled and successful though 
he had been in accumulating a 




Necker 



fortune for himself, Necker 
had no plan to propose which 
could effect a permanent re- 
form. He was successful in 
bolstering up and maintaining 
French credit while in office, 
and saw the need of keeping the expenditures in harmony 
with the receipts. Seeing his influence gradually slipping away, 
he turned to the people for support, publishing for their benefit 
a statement of the exact financial condition of the country. 
This was in the form of a balance sheet which showed clearly Necker's Bai- 
the tremendous gulf which separated receipts and expenditures. ^^^^ ^^®®* 
Its publication gave the court a great shock and the king imme- 
diately demanded his resignation. It also created a great stir 
throughout the country, as the suspicions of the masses were 
now confirmed that " the court indeed was the sepulchre of the 
nation." 

Calonne, who was better fitted to shine at court functions Caionne 
than to solve a problem of such magnitude, was finally called 
to the king's assistance. Instead of profiting by the revela- 
tions of his predecessor as to the true state of affairs, he 
threw to the winds all regard for economy and plunged the 
country still deeper into the abyss of debt. He reasoned 
that the financial soundness of a nation was in direct ratio 



102 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

to its borrowing power and dependent thereon and that if 
he could make a sufficient display of securing funds, this would 
react upon the country to maintain its credit and preserve its 
integrity. He borrowed right and left and issued vast amounts 
of paper currency. In spite, however, of his valiant show he 
soon reached the end of his resources and of those of the 
country and was forced to fall back upon some of the ideas 
of Turgot. To sanction these proposals he suggested to the 
Assembly of i^ing the Calling of an Assembly of the Notables. The nota- 
the Nota es ^^^^ ^^^^ representatives of the nobility who had been sum- 
moned from time to time to consult with the king on measures 
of importance which affected their order. Calonne thought 
that if he placed before this body the dire needs of the country 
he could persuade them to surrender some of their cherished 
privileges and to agree to forms of taxation which would remedy 
matters. He soon saw his delusion. This body not only op- 
posed his measures but brought about his downfall. 

This step of Calonne's, hov/ever, brought with it consequences 
Agitation for of greater significance. For some time now public opinion had 
slatif Gene?a^i ^^^^ making itself felt even among French officialdom. Its 
spokesmen were to be found in the various parlements of the 
country. These began to take a keen interest in developments 
at the capital and to question the power of a single man or group 
of men to deal with the situation. A meeting of the States 
General, they argued, was needed to compass any permanent 
measure of reform. This demand was now voiced by the very 
body called to face the crisis, the Assembly of the Notables. 
Disgusted with their obstinacy and failure to sanction the decrees 
proposed, the king dismissed them and sought to put certain 
portions of Calonne's schemes into operation on his own ini- 
tiative and that of his new minister. When, however, he tried 
The King and to get the dccrccs registered by the Parlement of Paris, in order 
S%aris^™^'^* to give them authority with the people, this body refused to reg- 
ister them and insisted that the States General was the only 
body competent to enact such measures. Although the king 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 1 03 

vented his disappointment on the judges and, by the one method 
left open to him in such cases, proclaimed the validity of his 
edicts, he yielded to the demand now so insistent and coming 
from so many quarters. He recalled Necker and called for a Recall of 
meeting of the States General. This decision was reached in the ^®*^^®' 
summer of 1788. The meeting was called for May, 1789. It 
was a most momentous step. The absolutist government of 
France had capitulated. It had confessed its weakness and 
impotency and was now stepping aside to allow the people to 
share in the management of its affairs. 

Great interest was manifested throughout France in the 
meeting of this body. It had not met since 1614 and little was 
known of its organization, its powers, or its functions. A 
study was made of these under the direction of the king and his 
minister in order that certain perplexing questions which were 
immediately forthcoming might be settled. There was the Problem 
question of the election of delegates. How were they to be ^emw*^^^ 
chosen and by whom? Each order was entitled to representa- 
tion, but the king and his minister were confronted by the ques- 
tion as to how many delegates were to be allowed to the third 
estate, or bourgeoisie. The first of these questions, as to who 
should participate in the choice of delegates, was settled in the 
interest of the bourgeoisie rather than that of the lower classes. 
A property qualification was required for delegates to the third 
estate, and their choice was restricted entirely to property owners. 
In apportioning representatives among the three orders, it was Apportionment 
decided that the third estate should be entitled to as many ""^ Members 
delegates as the other two orders together. So anxious were 
the people of the various provinces to get their grievances before 
this body that everywhere elaborate instructions were drawn 
up for their representatives containing detailed statements of 
conditions which demanded immediate attention. These were 
known as cahiers and furnish us with much of our information 
about the ancien regime. 

This assembly, then, not only marked the capitulation of 



104 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The Beginning 
of a Revolution 



Question of 
Voting 



The National 
Assembly 



absolutism in France but voiced essentially, so far as the masses 
were concerned, the demands of the middle classes alone. Their 
representatives were coming together, not, as the king perhaps 
imagined, merely to patch up a financial crisis which had got 
beyond his control, but to propose far-reaching schemes of re- 
form which should transform France and rebuild it on new 
lines. The meeting of the States General, therefore, has 
been looked upon as marking the true beginning of the French 
Revolution. 

52. Formation of the National Constituent Assembly. — Be- 
fore the assembly could set itself to the task of overthrowing the 
old order or of correcting its abuses, much work of a preliminary 
character had to be accomplished. A very serious question arose 
at the outset as to voting. It had been the custom in the old 
days to vote by order, that is, to give each estate one vote in the 
final decision of all questions brought before them. In this way 
the clergy and nobles acting in common, as was usually the 
case, could outvote the bourgeoisie, however numerous they 
might be. This ancient practice did not satisfy the third estate 
on this occasion. They demanded that the three estates should 
act as one body, each delegate casting a vote, and refused to 
organize for the business in hand until this question was settled. 
A deadlock ensued. The third estate finally proclaimed them- 
selves the assembly of the French nation, invited the other 
orders to join them, and on June 17th formally adopted the 
name National Assembly. The deadlock had already lasted 
more than a month and the struggle was at its height. Thus 
far the king had been unwilling to look the situation squarely 
in the face and had hesitated as to what steps he ought 
to take. His disapproval of the action of the third estate 
was shared by the court, who finally persuaded him to call 
a royal session and throw the weight of his authority in favor 
of the old custom. On the morning of the 20th of June, 
when the third estate gathered for a session at their usual 
meeting place, they found the hall closed and the carpenters at 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 1 05 

work preparing for a royal sitting. This was a signal for a The Tennis 
more decided step. Adjourning to a tennis court near by, they ^°"'"* °**^ 
proceeded to take a solemn oath that they would stand together 
and not adjourn until they had given France a constitution. 
Their action recalls that of the Long Parliament over a hundred 




The Tennis Court Oath 

"Strange sight is this in the Rue St. Francois, Vieux Versailles! . . . The 
Oath is pronounced aloud of President Bailly. Six hundred right-hands 
rise with President Bailly's, to take God above to witness that they will 
not separate for man below, but will meet in all places, under all circum- 
stances, wheresoever two or three can get together, till they have made the 
Constitution." — Carlyle. 

years before, one of whose first steps was to pass a resolution 
that they would not be adjourned or dissolved without their 
own consent. This step meant much more in the case of the 
National Assembly than in that of the Long Parliament. The 
delegates of the bourgeoisie had by their action adopted a definite 



1 66 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Attitude of 
Mirabeau 



programme. They had resolved themselves into a Consti- 
tutional Convention and for this reason have been called by 
historians the National-Constituent Assembly. They had not 
only struck a blow at the king's power, but had committed 

themselves definitely to the task of 
remodelling France, thereby inaug- 
urating a new era in its develop- 
ment. 

Three days later the States Gen- 
eral met in royal session. After 
the king had read a carefully pre- 
pared speech in which he chided the 
third estate for their stubbornness, 
he ordered the deputies to disperse 
and meet by orders as had been the 
custom. Undismayed by these 
words, the members of the third 
estate and several of the clergy 
kept their seats, and amid an omi- 
nous silence the Marquis de Mira- 
beau arose and in thundering tones 
proclaimed the rights of the Assem- 
bly, concluding with the significant 
words, ''We are here by the will of 
the people, and we will only quit at 
the point of the bayonet." The 
king was not prepared to press 
his demand, and as the third 
estate persisted in its attitude, he 
weakly ordered the other two es- 
tates to join them. There had 
already been defections from their 




Mirabeau 

Mirabeau was forty years old 
at the outbreak of the French 
Revolution. He had already 
served on a secret mission to 
Prussia and had published a 
four-volume work on the Prus- 
sian monarchy under Frederick 
the Great. His wisdom and 
foresight made him a leader in 
the National Assembly, and he 
served as its president for two 
weeks in 1791. Weakened by 
dissipation he died early that 
year, carrying to his dying day 
the brilliance which had distin- 
guished him, as shown by his last 
utterances, "I carry with me the 
ruin of the monarchy. After my 
death factions will dispute about 
the fragments." 



ranks, especially among the clergy, as the cures had all along 
sympathized heart and soul with the attitude of the third 
estate. 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 1 07 

53. Interference of Paris : Fall of the Bastille. — Stirred to 
action by the hostile court, Louis XVI now began to gather 
troops, probably with the idea of overawing the Assembly or of 
dispersing it, and the situation began to be very tense. The Attitude of 
influence of the city of Paris was now thrown into the scale. ^"^^ 
The population had long been dependent for a living upon their 
nearness to the court at Versailles, but they had little sympathy 
with its attitude of superiority and indifference to the country 
at large. A severe winter and a scarcity of food had given rise to 
disorder and discontent here as in other parts of the country. 
Every one had been following closely the events at Versailles 
and had been looking to the States General to improve condi- 
tions. Two months had now passed without seeing any results 
accomplished, and everything pointed to the speedy termination 
of the proceedings at the point of the bayonet. 

The disappointment everywhere apparent began to manifest 
itself in acts of disorder. The regiments of soldiers stationed 
in the city sympathized with the people, and when Louis XVI 
dismissed Necker, the minister on whom they had pinned all Dismissal 
their hopes (July nth), the storm burst. On the 12th and °^ ^^''^^' 
i3th armed men of the lower classes appeared in the different 
parts of the city, and there was a general call to arms and 
a ransacking of shops, storehouses, and arsenals in the search 
for weapons. The bourgeois element in the city, who felt 
that their own future hinged upon the fate of their represen- 
>tatives at Versailles, now formed themselves into companies The National 
for the protection of their persons and property against the ^""^ 
dual danger of the king and the court on the one hand and 
of the disorderly mob element on the other. The government 
of Paris was overthrown and placed in the hands of those 
men who had been selected to choose the city representatives 
to the third estate. Bailly, one of the deputies, was elected 
mayor and La Fayette was made commander of the new mill- La Fayette 
tary force, now known as the National Guard (July 17). Mean- 
while, on the 14th, the Parisian populace, assisted by the 



Fall of the 
Bastille 



1 08 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

soldiers, stormed and captured the royal fortress command- 
ing the city and known as the Bastille, released the prisoners 
confined there, and razed the structure to the ground. By this 
act public opinion, which had already been making itself heard, 




Demolition of the Bastille 



Disorder in 
the Provinces 



expressed itself in no uncertain language. The Bastille was 
everywhere looked upon as the symbol of absolutism and op- 
pression, and its fall assured the representatives of the third 
estate that they were not standing alone in their opposition 
to king and court. 

The news of the fall of the Bastille was everywhere greeted 
with the wildest enthusiasm. The people in the provinces 
followed the example of Paris and attacked the local symbols of 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 



109 




no ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

oppression — in some cases tlie chateaux of the lords, in others, 
the custom-houses — and spread terror and consternation 
throughout the country. National Guards were organized to 
preserve order. Wherever the city governments showed them- 
selves inefficient or unsympathetic with the movement, they 
were reorganized and placed in the hands of the bourgeoisie. 
The nobles now began to leave the country, fearing that the 
sudden turn of affairs might precipitate greater disorders. 
When the news of the fall of the Bastille was communicated to 
the king, he exclaimed, "Why, this is a revolt!" "No, your 
Majesty," was the reply, "it is revolution." The city of Paris 
had indeed saved the situation and made possible the revolu- 
tion by saving the Assembly from possible dissolution and 
enabling it to undertake with boldness the work to which it 
had already committed itself. 

54. The End of the Old Order. — The immediate effect of 
these events upon the National Assembly was the abolition of 
The Abolition privilege. The news of the various uprisings in the provinces 
of Privilege convinced some of the members that the time had arrived for 
some action on their part which would relieve the situation. On 
the night of the 4th of August the Viscount de Noailles declared 
that, as the rights of the nobles, "odious survivals of feudalism," 
were primarily responsible for the crisis, there was but one 
remedy which would apply to the situation and that was their 
entire abolition. His proposal met with an immediate response. 
In a delirium of enthusiasm, in a night session lasting far into 
the early morning hours, the deputies voted the suppression of 
all feudal privileges, feudal justice, the right to hunt, the feudal 
dues, the restrictions imposed by the guilds; in short they 
swept away every barrier which made for social inequaUty. 
They had in reality wrought in six hours a great social revo- 
lution. The very haste with which they accomplished this re- 
sult gave rise to much distress and disorder. The severing in 
one night of ties which had bound the whole social structure 
together for generations was an act so violent in its disrupt- 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 



III 



ing power that it encouraged further outbursts of violence and 
acts of reprisal. 

55. Removal of the Government to Paris. — The king's 
actions, or failure to act, were still grounds for suspicion and gave 
rise to the greatest uncertainty. October had come, and al- 
though the decrees just de- 
scribed had received the 
royal sanction, they had not 
been promulgated, nor had 
any relief measures been en- 
acted to meet the financial 
crisis. Additional troops 
had arrived at Versailles, 
and the rumor had gone 
forth that at a banquet ten- 
dered to some of their 
number, speeches had been 
delivered which were hostile 
to the Assembly. It was 
also asserted that the new 
revolutionary tricolor had 
been trampled under foot 
and the white cockade of 
the Bourbons had been sub- 
stituted. These conditions, combined with a continued scarcity 
of bread, aroused the Paris mob anew to an expression of its 
power. On the 5th of October a crowd of from seven to eight March of 
thousand women, armed with a variety of weapons and drag- Jo%^s^nes 
ging cannon, set out on the road to Versailles, demanding bread. 
They looked to the government — as has been so often the case 
before and since — to satisfy their physical needs, insisting that 
the king and queen were "the baker and the baker's wife" and 
their son, '' the little cook boy." La Fayette was advised of the 
movement and fearing for the safety of the royal family, placed 
himself at the head of the National Guard and followed them. 




The Bed of Marie Antoinette 

The gorgeousness of the furnishings 
of Versailles is illustrated by this pic- 
ture of the bed of Marie Antoinette. 



112 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

The mob invaded the palace and encamped there over night, and 
in the morning some of their number burst into the queen's 
apartments, killing members of her bodyguard. The queen had 
been warned in t'me, however, and escaped their wrath. La 




Removal of the King and Queen to Paris 



Fayette, by persuading the king to show himself on a balcony, 
finally succeeded in calming their excited passions, and the king 
consented to remove to Paris, where the starving city could have 
the benefit of ''baker and little cook boy." Still surrounded by 
the mob, the royal family slowly made their way by coach to 
Paris, and about two weeks later, on the 19th of October, the 
Assembly followed them. The Paris mob had won a great vic- 
tory in that they now had both king and Assembly at their 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 1 13 

mercy. From the very outset Paris had been the centre of radi- 
cal journahstic activity, and its citizens had tried by various 
means to bring influence to bear upon the Assembly, packing 
the galleries and shouting their approval or disapproval of the 
proposals under discussion. The distance, however, which 
separated the capital from the city had made it somewhat diffi- 
cult for them to sway the Assembly by these means. From 
this time forward it was comparatively easy to make the dep- 
uties feel the pressure of public opinion as represented by the 
people of Paris. Had this public opinion been moulded by the 
moderate or conservative elements, some of its results might not 
have been so disastrous, but the radical leaders were rapidly 
getting the upper hand and constituting themselves on every 
occasion the spokesmen of the nation. ''Let the Assembly look 
out for itself," said one of them, ''we will set fire to Paris and 
deluge it in blood rather than be deprived of our rights." 

The abolition of privilege completed, the Assembly began to 
wrestle with the other problems before them. To relieve the 
financial pressure, the church lands were confiscated and large 
quantities of paper money, or as signals, were issued upon these ^^sue of 
as security. The Assembly was not at all careful to place ^^^^^^ ^ 
about the issue the safeguards demanded in such cases, and it 
was not long before the assignats began to fall in value. Such 
an arrangement, therefore, was far from permanent. The finan- 
cial problem still called loudly for a satisfactory solution. 

56. The Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Consti- 
tution of 1 79 1. — The task of drawing up a constitution for the 
country was one which required much thought and labor. The 
most notable portion of the document, when completed, was the 
preamble, which was known as the Declaration of the Rights of 
Man. Under the influence of our American Revolution the As- influence of 
sembly set forth for the first time in clear-cut fashion the rights Revoi^woT'^ 
which are generally accepted today as the basis of every free 
government. These principles have been called the "Evangel 
of Modern Times" and maintain as the essential rights of man, 



114 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



" Active " and 
" Passive " 
Citizens 



Legislative 
Assembly 



liberty, private property, personal security, and resistance to op- 
pression. The document calls to mind many of the provisions 
in the American Bill of Rights — the first ten amendments to 
our Constitution. 




France in 1789, Showing the Provinces 

The constitution itself failed to recognize one of the most 
important of these rights, that of absolute equality between 
citizens, as the right to share in the government rested upon a 
property qualification, and citizens were 'classified either as 
"active" or "passive," according to the power which was con- 
ferred upon them to share in the government. Even the active 
citizens did not participate directly in the elections but chose 
electors to act for them. These in turn must satisfy still higher 
qualifications as to fortune. A legislative assembly was created 
into whose hands was intrusted the main business of governing 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 



115 



the country. The king was shorn of most of his power, enjoying 
only a suspensive veto over the laws passed by the legislature. 
He was to be known as King of the French instead of King of Ministry 
France and was to be assisted in governing by a group of min- 




France est 1 791, Showing the Departments 

isters. These, like the EngHsh cabinet, could not be chosen 
from the members of the Assembly. The judges were to be 
elected instead of receiving their offices by purchase or through 
birth as in the old days. For purposes of local administration 
France was systematically divided into departments, these again Local 
into districts, the districts into cantons, and the cantons into 
communes. Each of these divisions elected its officials and each 
was more or less of a law unto itself, i.e., a separate and distinct 
organization. In this way was created a decentralized system 
of administration in sharp contrast to the highly centralized 



Government 



Ii6 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

bureaucratic monarchy. The entire taxing system was re- 
modelled and a more equitable system established. 

The constitution was lamentably weak. The National 
Assembly had gone to extremes in its separation of the executive 
and law-making departments of the government and had 




The Civil Constitution of the Clergy 

The clergy are represented as affixing their signatures to the Civil Con- 
stitution of the Clergy. 



Weaknesses 
of the 
Constitution 



reduced royalty to a mere figure-head. Its failure to recognize 
the principle of manhood suffrage excited the wrath of the lower 
classes and prepared the way for the overthrow at the hands of 
the mob element of this essentially bourgeois government. 

57. The Civil Constitution of the Clergy and the Flight of 
the King. — In July, 1790, the National Assembly drew up a 
document, known as the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, which 
thoroughly reorganized the church. The same principles were 
applied to the church as to the civil government, reducing the 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 117 

number of officials and providing for their election at the hands Nature of 

the Civil 
Constitution 



of quaUfied electors. These arrangements, in providing for a *^® ^*^*^ 



French church almost independent of Rome, dealt a severe 
blow at the Pope. 

Louis XVI was too good a Catholic not to be shocked at these 
changes. He gave his consent to the new plan, but unwillingly. 
The situation was daily becoming more and more intolerable, 
and he began to make preparations to leave the country and 
bring force to bear from the outside upon his rebellious subjects. 
He looked to his brother-in-law, the Emperor Leopold of Opposition 
Austria, to extricate him from his dilemma, and the latter had al- ° ® °*^ 
ready begun to mobilize troops near the French frontier. Mira- 
beau was not entirely pleased with the trend of affairs. He 
counted much upon the establishment of a governmental system 
similar to that in England, but the Assembly had rejected one of 
his most cherished projects, that of a cabinet to cooperate with 
the king. He had counselled the king to leave Paris, take refuge 
in one of the provinces, and there rouse the people against the 
capital, which was rapidly dominating the work of the Assembly. 
The king, however, rejected this advice. Instead he made 
preparations to cross the frontier and bring foreign troops into 
France to. restore his vanished power. This was in June, 1791. 
Mirabeau had died the preceding April and the Assembly was 
now preparing to put its work into final shape. Such an 
attempt to free himself from the difficulties which he faced 
was a clear indication of the king's real attitude toward the 
work which had been accomplished. His success would prob- 
ably nullify all the work of the Assembly; his failure could only 
spell ruin for the House of Bourbon. In disguise, the royal Flight to 
family made its way as far as the little town of Varennes, only ^^'^®^"®^ 
a few miles from the frontier, but the king had been recog- 
nized en route as he stopped for a change of horses and could 
proceed no further. Escorted by a committee of the As- 
sembly the royal family was brought back to Paris. From this 
time forth they were virtually prisoners; by this act the 



Il8 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

monarch had started the revolution upon a new series of de- 
velopments which were to alter its entire character. On Sep- 
tember 3d the king signed the final revision of the Constitution. 
When the Assembly adjourned on September 30, 1 791, it could 
look back upon a long list of accomphshments. It had virtually 
brought to an end the ancien regime, had dealt the absolute 
monarchy its death blow, and had organized a comparatively 
The Revolution simple administrative machine to replace the cumbersome 
omp e e system which had given rise to so much dissatisfaction and 

abuse of power. Apparently, the revolution was complete. 

SUGGESTIVE TOPICS AND QUESTIONS FOR 
FURTHER STUDY 

I. Compare the social, political, and religious conditions in England and 
France at the opening of the French Revolution. 2. Compare the attitude 
of the French people toward IcUres-de-cachd with the feeling in America 
against Writs of Assistance. 3. Summarize the suggestions for reforms 
made in the cahiers. 4. Explain the process by which the Estates General 
became the National Assembly. 5. Give a characterization of Louis XVI; 
Marie Antoinette; Mirabeau; La Fayette; Necker. 6. Why did the de- 
struction of the Bastille mark the beginning of a new era? 7. Compare the 
Declaration of the Rights of Man with the Enghsh Bill of Rights. 8. Com- 
pare the constitution of the reformed French monarchy with that of England 
at the same time. 9. Sum up the changes effected by the Civil Constitu- 
tion of the Clergy. 10. Distinguish between the assignats and the mandats. 

Collateral Reading 

I. The Ancien Regime in France. LoweU, The Eve of the French 
Revolution. 

1. The king and the administration, pp. 4-10. 

2. Louis XVI and his court, pp. 11-24. 

3. The clergy, pp. 25-39. 

4. The nobihty, pp. 70-82. 

5. The law courts, pp. 103-118. 

6. Taxation, pp. 207-29. 

7. Finance, pp. 230-42. 

Robinson and Beard, Development of Modern Europe, Vol. I, pp. 
203-17. Seignobos, Contemporary Civilization, pp. 92-106. 
MaUet, The French Revolution, pp. 5-27. Gardiner, The 
French Revolution, pp. 1-17. Rose, The Revolutionary and 
Napoleonic Era, pp. 1-29. Stephens, Revolutionary Europe, 
pp. i-io. Johnston, The French Revolution, pp. 1-24. 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 119 

Morris, The French Revolution, pp. 1-18. Plunket, The 
Fall of the Old Order, pp. 46-64. Mathews, French Revo- 
lution, pp. 1-72. Hayes, Modern Europe, Vol. I, pp. 449-56. 
II. Characters of the French Revolution. First Part. 

1. Voltaire. Lowell, pp. 51-69. Johnston, pp. 16-18, 20-1. Sei- 

gnobos, pp. 68-70. Mallet, pp. 32-3. Plunket, pp. 65-8. 

2. Montesquieu. Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 175-6. Mallet, 

pp. 31-2. 

3. Rousseau. Lowell, pp. 274-321. Mallet, pp. 36-41. Belloc, 

pp. 31-8. Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 176-7. Plunket, 
pp. 68-71. 

4. The encyclopaedists. Lowell, pp. 243-60. Seignobos, pp. 72- 

73. Mallet, pp. 33-6. 

5. Louis XVI. Belloc, The French Revolution, pp. 41-48. Johns- 

ton, pp. 35-6. 

6. Marie Antoinette. Belloc, pp. 48-56. Johnston, pp. 36-7. 

7. Mirabeau. Belloc, pp. 56-63. Johnston, pp. 50, 55, 58-59, 89, 

95, 98-100, 114-5. Morris, pp. 48-9. Stephens, pp. 73-6, 
98-9. Mallet, pp. 118-28. 

8. La Fayette. Belloc, pp. 64-7. Johnston, pp. 71-4. Mallet, 

pp. 1 16-8. 

9. Turgot. Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 218-22. Rose, pp. 31-33. 

10. Necker. Johnston, pp. 37-8, 46-59. MaUet, pp. 46-47, 114-5. 

11. Calonne. Johnston, pp. 37-43. Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, 

pp. 222-5. 

III. The States General. 

Johnston, pp. 35-55. Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 224-33. Sei- 
gnobos, pp. 1 10-13. Rose, pp. 30-8. Belloc, pp. 89-102. Mathews, 
pp. 106-20. 

IV. Beginnings of Violence. 

Johnston, pp. 61-9, 83-8. Belloc, pp. 98-106. Rose, pp. 40-2, 
47-8. Seignobos, pp. 115-7. Mathews, pp. 125-37. Hayes, 
Vol. I, pp. 474-8. 
V. The National Assembly and its Reforms. 

Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 237-47. Johnston, pp. 89-104. 
Belloc, pp. 107-12. Mallet, pp. 71-97. Seignobos, pp. 117- 
126. Jeffery, pp. 9-14. Mathews, pp. 138-65. Hayes, Vol. I, 
pp. 479-86. 

Source Studies 

1. The ancien regime. Robinson and Beard, Readings, Vol. I, pp. 225-6. 

2. Protests of a French court against lettres-de-cachet. Ibid., pp. 227-9. 

3. Condition of the French people at the opening of the revolution. Ihid., 

pp. 229-34. Library of Original Sources, Vol. VII, pp. 374-90. 

4. Turgot on accepting office. Ibid., pp. 390-4. 

5. Typical cahiers. Ibid., pp. 398-411. Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, 

pp. 248-51. 



120 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

6. Opening of the Estates General. Ihid., pp. 251-2. 

7. The tennis-court oath. Fling, Source Problems on the French Revo- 

lution, pp. 3-63. 

8. The rneeting of the National Assembly. Ihid., pp. 67-159. Robinson 

and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 252-5. 

9. What is the third estate? (Sieyes) Original Sources, Vol. VII, pp. 294-8. 

10. The insurrection of October, 1789. Fling, pp. 163-248. 

11. Mirabeau's advice to the king. Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 262-7. 

Original Sources, Vol. VII, pp. 417-28. 

12. The decree abolishing the Feudal System. 76iJ., pp. 411-4. Robinson 

and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 256-9. 

13. Declaration of the rights of man. Ihid., pp. 260-2. Original Sources, 

Vol. VII, pp. 415-7- 

14. Civil constitution of the clergy. Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 273-7. 

15. The assembly reviews its work. Ihid., pp. 268-73. 

Suggestions for Map Work 

I. On an outline map of France show the division into provinces in 1789; 
the region of the great salt tax; the regions of the Roman and of the Feudal 
Law. 2. Draw a plan of the city of Paris to illustrate the events of the Revo- 
lution mentioned in the chapter. 3. Draw a map to illustrate the changes 
made by the National Assembly. 4. On an outline map of Europe show 
the territorial arrangements at the opening of the French Revolution. 

Map References 

Shepherd, Historical Atlas. Holt. Ecclesiastical map of France, 1789- 
1802, p. 148. France in 1791, p. 148. Plan of Versailles, 1789, p. 149. 
Plan of Paris, 1789, p. 149. Central Europe about 1786, p. 134. Europe 
about 1740, p. 130. 

Dow, Atlas of European History. Holt. France from the Reformation 
to the Revolution, p. 30. France on the eve of the French Revolution, 
p. 20. Europe on the eve of the French Revolution, p. 24. France during 
the Revolution, p. 25. 

Muir, School Atlas of Modern History. Holt. Paris at the time of the 
French Revolution, p. 13. 

Gardiner, Atlas of English History. Longmans. France in provinces, 
1769-89, p. 49. Central Europe, 1789, p. 51. 

Robertson-Bartholomew, Historical Atlas of Modern Europe. Oxford 
Press. The Mediterranean in 1789, No. 5. France, 1789, No. 7. Belgium 
and Holland, 1789, No. 10. Germany, 1789, No. 11. Switzerland, 1789, 
No. 15. Italy, 1789, No. 16. Austria-Hungary to 1789, No. 19. Austria- 
Hungary, 1 789-1815, No. 20. 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION I2l 

Bibliography 

Belloc. The French Revolution. Holt. 

Fling. Source Problems on the French Revolution. Harper. 

Gardiner. The French Revolution. Longmans. 

Hayes. The Political and Social History of Modern Europe. Volume I. 

Macmillan. 
Jefifery. New Europe, lySg-iSSg. Houghton Mifflin. 
Johnston. The French Revolution. Holt. 
Library of Original Sources. Vol. VII. University Research Extension 

Co. 
LoweU. The Eve of the French Revolution. Houghton Mifflin. 
Mallet. The French Revolution. Scribner. 
Mathews. The French Revolution. Longmans. 
Morris. The French Revolution. Scribner. 

Plunket. The Fall of the Old Order, 1763-1815. Oxford University Press. 
Robinson and Beard. Development of Modern Europe. Vol. I. Ginn. 
Robinson and Beard. Readings in Modern European History. Vol. I. Ginn. 
Rose. The Revolutionary and Napoleonic Era. Putnam. 
Seignobos. Contemporary Civilization. Scribner. 
Stephens. Revolutionary Europe. Rivingtons. 



CHAPTER V 

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC AND THE STRUGGLE WITH 
EUROPE 

58. Decline of the Monarchy. — Already symptoms were 
not lacking that the days of the monarchy in France were num- 
bered. Although the National Assembly had shown itself no 
friend of democracy in the modern sense, on the other hand, the 
conduct of king and court had done much, to bring into disrepute 
Effect of the the monarchic idea, even among its friends and admirers. His 
FH ht onhe attempt to flee the country, abandoning by so doing many of his 
King friends and supporters to the fury and uncertainties of possible 

foreign war and of domestic violence, forfeited much of the 
respect and loyalty which still dominated so many of his subjects. 
Epithets such as " Beast! " " Coward! " and the like, were on the 
lips of thousands of Frenchmen. The queen also came in for 
a large amount of abuse, as she was looked upon as the real 
author of the plot. 

Scarcely a month had passed after this event before there was 
a clear indication of the rising tide in favor of the complete 
Massacre of the overthrow of the monarchy. This took the form of a meeting 
ChampdeMars ^^ pj-^test on the Champ de Mars, July 17, 1791, for the sig- 
nature of a petition against the continuance of the monarchy. 
The National Guard was called out to maintain order; the 
troops came to blows with the mob; and several lives were 
lost. The supporters of the movement and all friends of de- 
mocracy had received a setback. The impression which re- 
mained among the masses was one of bitterness towards the 
Assembly and the monarchy. The bourgeoisie were more than 
ever convinced by the actions of the mob upon this occasion 



THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 123 

that their own safety could only be secured by maintaining 
the existing arrangements. 

The outbreak of foreign war changed everything. Ever since Emigration of 
the fall of the Bastille the nobles had been leaving the country, ^^^ ^°^^®^ 
and after the flight to Varennes they began to pour across the 
frontier in greater numbers. They were now looking for an 
opportunity to regain their lost power. With this end in view 
they had been intriguing with certain of the German princes, 
with the Emperor Leopold, and with the king of Prussia. Attitude of the 
Many of these rulers saw in the progress of the revolution in ^™p'^.®' 
France a menace to their own authority and were, therefore, and Russia 
impressed with the urgency of making common cause with the 
discredited French king and queen. The Empress Catherine 
of Russia, believing the time ripe for the seizure of a part or all 
of the tottering kingdom of Poland,^ was delighted to see the 
gaze of her rivals, Austria and Prussia, directed toward the west, 
so that she might have a free hand in the east. To this end 
she threw her influence on the side of the emigres, as the exiled 
French nobles were called, to embroil Austria and Prussia in a 
war with France. The Emperor Leopold and King Frederick 
Wilham of Prussia finally reached a partial understanding as 
to the situation in France and signed the Declaration of Pillnitz Declaration 
(August 27, 1791), in which they proclaimed to Europe their °* P'^i^itz 
intention of safeguarding the interests of the imperiled king 
and queen of France, provided all the sovereigns of Europe were 
disposed to act with them. 

59. Rise of Clubs and Parties. — Meanwhile the new Legis- 
lative Assembly had met. The National Assembly, with a mis- 
directed show of patriotism, had made it impossible for any of 
their number to sit in the new Legislative Assembly. Party 
lines which had developed in the first assembly began to be more 
sharply drawn in this new body. The removal of the National 
Assembly to Paris in October, 1789, had been marked by the 
formation of a strong pohtical club, known as the Jacobin Club The jacobins 
^ See map opposite page 178. 



Jacobinism 



124 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

from its place of meeting. At the outset this had consisted of 
those deputies who were especially desirous of giving France a 
constitutional government. This was clearly indicated by their 
official name, the Society of the Friends of the Constitution. 
They met to discuss the various measures proposed in the 




Danton 



Marat 

MiRABEAU 



Robespierre 



Assembly and admitted to their membership men of letters, 
lawyers, and wealthy bourgeois. Societies began to be formed 
throughout the country on the same model as the Jacobin Club 
at the capital. Even before the meeting of the Legislative 
Assembly, these had affiliated with the parent society, and 
Jacobinism, as their teachings were called, had become a well- 
recognized political creed. These clubs undoubtedly rendered 
a great service to the country at large by informing and instruct- 
ing the thinking classes and by welding them together for con- 
certed action. Many friends of popular rights had been sorely 



THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 125 

disappointed in the new constitution on account of its aristo- 
cratic character. One of these, a young lawyer named Danton, 
had therefore formed the Club of the Cordeliers, The members The CordeUers 
of this organization had taken the initiative in the affair of the 
Champ de Mars and were now biding the time when, supported 
by the workers and the rabble of the poorer quarters of the city, 
they might rally all citizens to the watchword of liberty and 
equality. Their influence in the Assembly at this time was 
comparatively slight. 

When the Legislative Assembly opened its sessions on Octo- 
ber 1, 1 79 1, all the deputies were a unit in their desire to maintain 
the constitution; all stood shoulder to shoulder in their distrust 
of the king. The question which began to divide them and 
give rise to a new party line-up was, What attitude should they 
take in view of the king's apparent disloyalty to the work so 
recently accompHshed? The resulting differences of opinion 
helped to bring into existence other political clubs and separated 
the Legislative Assembly into three well-defined parties. The 
conservative deputies were members of the club known as the * 

Feuillants and wished to maintain the king as president of a The Feuuiants 
hereditary republic. They became more royalistic in their 
sympathies with the passage of time. Their influence, however, 
was never decisive and they gradually lost ground and passed 
into oblivion. The Jacobin element divided its adherence be- 
tween the leaders of a group of deputies known as the Giron- 
dists from the province of the Gironde in the southwest of 
France, and another group, afterwards known as the Mountain 
from the seats which they occupied in the Convention which 
later replaced the Legislative Assembly. The Girondists ulti- The Girondists 
mately favored the estabhshment of a repubHc, but not until 
the constitutional monarchy had been proved impossible by 
the failure of the king to work according to its spirit. The 
Mountain, the most radical element of all, gradually came to The Mountain 
be known as the mouthpiece of the democratic aspirations of 
the masses. It looked to the Paris mob for support in the 



126 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

overthrow of the existing government and labored for the 
estabHshment of a repubUc, grasping at whatever means offered 
themselves. The influence of the American Revolution may be 
traced in this division. In certain quarters, at least, the re- 
publican idea had taken firm root. The questions to be an- 




swered were. What sort of a republic should be estabhshed? 
Who were to be its real rulers? 

60. Opposition of the King to the Assembly and the Out- 
break of War. — The massing of hostile nobles on the frontiers — 
the king's brothers among them — and the knowledge that there 
were many traitors within the country, prompted the Assembly 
to pass three measures. Two of these were directed against the 
dangers threatening them upon the frontier; the other sought to 
remove the lurking danger within. Many of the priests, known 



THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 127 

as the non-juring clergy, had refused to swear allegiance to the The Non-juring 
Civil Constitution of the Clergy and were stirring up trouble ^^"^^ 
in various parts of the country. By the first of these measures 
they were required to take the oath of allegiance within eight ' 

days under the penalty of forfeiting their Hvings and of being 
treated as "suspects." ^ The emigres were also declared to be 
traitors to their country and were ordered to cease mobilizing 
on the frontier under penalty of the confiscation of their aban- 
doned properties. Finally, the Count of Provence, the elder of 
the king's brothers, was ordered to return to France within 
two months or to forfeit his claims to the throne. When these 
decrees were submitted to King Louis he refused to sign them. The King's 
On the other hand, he sent letters to his brothers ordering them ^®*°®^ 
to return to France and professed to the Assembly his willingness 
to make war upon the German princes for encouraging these 
hostile demonstrations on the frontier. 

This attitude did not satisfy the people. They saw in his 
vetoes evidence enough of his sympathy with their enemies and 
a refusal to proceed against them. The Jacobins and Girondists, Attitude 
however, were anxious for war, as they saw in a declaration of war, °^ ^""®L 

-^ ' towards War 

and a successful campaign against their foes without, the guaran- 
tee of the revolutionary measures within. They had already be- 
gun to be carried away by the magnificent idea of spreading 
broadcast throughout Europe the joyful tidings of liberty and 
equality. Even the Feuillants approved of a vigorous foreign 
war, as by this means they expected the king to vindicate himself 
and at the same time give added strength to the monarchic idea. 
War was therefore declared on April 20, 1792, not upon the Holy Declaration 
Roman Empire, but upon Austria. The proclamation was di-- °^ ^^^ 
rected against Francis II, '^King of Bohemia and Hungary." 

61. The Abolition of Royalty and its Consequences. — Un- 
fortunately for King Louis the struggle opened badly for France. 

• 
^ A name given to all who were opposed to the changes which the 
Revolution had brought with it. Such a charge often meant arrest, con- 
fiscation of property, and possible death. 



28 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Invasion of 
the Tuileries, 
June 20, 1792 



Manifesto 
of the Duke 
of Brunswick 



An utter lack of preparation resulted in reverses serious enough 
to arouse the people of Paris to a fever of apprehension and 
alarm. The Assembly felt the necessity of passing new measures 
to safeguard the country, but the king was unwise enough to 
veto them. Suspicion of the king's motives and intentions 
increased, and, as an immediate consequence, the people pre- 
pared for a great demonstration and protest. On the 20th of 
June, therefore, the Paris rabble overran the palace of the 
Tuileries and marched in procession before the king, who 
courageously took up a conspicuous position in the palace while 
the mob filed before him. The Jacobins were undoubtedly 
behind the movement. They sought by these means to terrify 
the king and to secure his assent to the measures which they 
desired. If such was their purpose, it failed entirely. Instead 
a strong sentiment of loyalty to the monarch was aroused, 
especially throughout the provinces, where such proceedings on 
the part of the Paris populace were strongly resented as high- 
handed and presumptuous and an insult to the nation. The 
provinces did not wish Paris to speak for the country at large. 

Two circumstances, however, nullified these impressions and 
deprived the king of the advantages which might otherwise 
have been his. The one was the entry of Prussia into the war 
early in July, and the other, the publication two weeks later in 
the city of Paris of the Manifesto of the Duke of Brunswick. 
The latter especially sealed the fate of the monarchy. The 
Duke of Brunswick had been intrusted with the leadership of 
the invading Prussian army. With the assistance of some of 
the emigrant nobles he drew up an insulting proclamation, 
threatening with the direst punishment all who should resist his 
army and promising to visit upon Paris military execution and 
annihilation if any harm came to the king or queen. ''Had 
Austria and Prussia deliberately planned to aid the Girondists 
and Jacobins in destroying the French monarchy, they could 
have done nothing more suited to that end." 

The answer to this direct challenge was the attack upon the 



THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 129 

Tuileries on the loth of August and the September Massacres, 
less than a month later. Thousands of Frenchmen from all 
parts of the country had been gathering at Paris to celebrate 
the anniversary of the '^ Federation." This was a solemn Anniversary 
meeting of delegates from all parts of France who had first eration" 
sworn allegiance to the new order of things on July 14, 1790. 
Among the delegates on this occasion was a group from Mar- 
seilles, who entered Paris singing the song which had just been 
composed by Rouget de ITsle, thereafter known as the Mar- 
seillaise. These strangers, in conjunction with the Parisian 
populace and with Danton as the moving spirit, overthrew the 
existing government of Paris. The bells were then rung and 
the people were called to arms. On the morning of the loth Revolution of 
of August they attacked the Tuileries, which was defended by ^"S"^* ^°*^ 
a few regiments of Swiss guards. Contradictory orders, issued 
either by the king or upon his authority, gave the attack the 
semblance of a massacre. The royal family fled for refuge to 
the hall where the Assembly was in session, and there the 
deputies decreed the calling of a Convention to reorganize the Calling of the 
government upon a more democratic basis. They suspended Convention 
the king as executive head of the government, but left his 
ultimate fate in the hands of the new assembly so soon to . 
meet. They also named a provisional executive council, with 
Danton as its chief member. From this time forth, for months 
to come, the municipal government of Paris largely directed 
the course of the Revolution. The radical element of Paris 
had come into its own. 

Early in September this element gave a more startling proof 
of their power. The onward advance of the Prussians con- 
tinued unchecked and the opposing forces melted away before 
them. France was totally unprepared for war. Her troops Military 
had been demoralized by the rapid course of events and by the ^^*"**'°° 
loss of so many officers, all of whom had been recruited from the 
nobility. The new government had failed thus far to make 
adequate provision for a standing army free from the suspicion 



130 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Desertion of 
La Fayette 

Longwy 
and Verdun 



Marat 



Massacre of 
Prisoners 



Effects 



of disloyalty. The people, however, attributed the failures 
which marked the opening campaigns to the disloyalty and 
treason of king, court, and nobles. There can be little doubt 
that they were doing all in their power to aid the advancing foe. 
The attack upon the Tuileries had been followed by the whole- 
sale arrest of many nobles accused of conspiring with the 
invaders to overthrow the republic. On August 14 came the 
news of La Fayette's effort to turn his army against Paris, fol- 
lowed by his desertion (Aug. 19th) ; and on the same day the 
Prussian army entered Lorraine. Four days later it took 
Longwy and on the 30th invested Verdun. This was the last 
obstacle to be overcome in their march upon Paris, and it 
was generally known that Paris could not hold out for more 
than two days. Beside themselves with excitement as the result 
of this series of disasters, the people of Paris rushed to arms 
at the call of the city government and the cry, ''The father- 
land in danger!" It needed but the merest suggestion from a 
vehement journalist named Marat to precipitate the so-called 
September Massacres. He pointed out the folly of marching off 
to the front and leaving traitors in their rear who, sword in 
hand, only awaited the word to rise against the people, restore 
the king to his own, and wreak a bloody vengeance upon his 
enemies. For four days and nights groups of executioners made 
the rounds of the prisons in which the nobles were confined 
and, setting up a sort of drum head court, condemned to death 
and immediate execution hundreds of individuals suspected of 
treason towards the republic. These included old men, priests, 
and women. A wave of horror not only swept over France but 
over all Europe. The Legislative Assembly, which had not yet 
given way to the Convention, disclaimed all responsibility for 
these actions, but it undoubtedly contained many members 
who approved of them. Such acts horrified the Girondists. 
They blamed the Mountain for these developments, and from 
this time forward they became more and more hostile to each 
other. Two weeks after this wholesale clearance of the prisons, 



THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 13 1 

the Assembly adjourned, and the very same day came the news 
of the check of the Prussian advance at Valmy by the French victory 
armies under Dumouriez and Kellerman (September 20, 1792). 
62. The Convention and the Declaration of the Republic. — 
The task which confronted the Convention which had now met 
was first of all to give France a new form of government based 



of Valmy 




Marat Speaking before the National Assembly 

Marat had practised as a physician in London, and enjoyed some little 
reputation as a scientist because of his attacks on Sir Isaac Newton and 
Voltaire. His newspaper Ami du Peiiple breathed his doctrine of suspicion. 
After the flight of the king, Marat made a speech before the Assembly 
openly advocating the appointment of a dictator with power to execute all 
suspected persons. 

upon democratic lines. To do this it was necessary to dispose Republic 

of the king. The first act of the deputies was to abolish royalty ^^^^^^ 

as an institution and to declare France a republic. Almost 

from the beginning of its meetings, the Revolution began to take 

on a serious aspect. The Convention itself began to be torn by Party strife 

bitter party strife, a condition which was reflected in the events 



32 



ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Paris 

vs. 

the Provinces 



Trial of 
Louis XVI 



upon the frontier and which brought France face to face with 
utter annihilation. The Girondists had already broken with 
the Mountain. They began to see that they had loosed forces 
which, if not properly controlled, would plunge the country 
into the greatest of catastrophes. They had all the distrust 
peculiar to the prosperous middle classes of the unpropertied 
working class and resented the idea of dictation by armed mobs. 
The Mountain, which was composed essentially of men of action, 
with a clearly defined purpose before it, now made common cause 
with the masses and did not hesitate to employ any means by 
which its ends might be realized. Paris was looked upon as the 
real heart of France, and the Mountain desired that the entire 
country should ratify all the actions of its capital. It was 
essentially the question of the part which Paris should play in 
the Revolution which divided the Convention. The Girondists 
represented the provinces and were hostile to the newly organ- 
ized Paris Commune in which Danton exercised such tremendous 
influence. By this time two other leaders of the Mountain had 
appeared, Marat and a young lawyer named Robespierre, and 
the Girondists feared, and perhaps with reason, that the entire 
work of the Revolution would be undone through the estab- 
lishment of a triumvirate composed of these two and Danton, 
with the latter as the driving force. 

Ever since the king had been deprived of his office, there had 
been a growing demand that he be confronted with the charge 
of treason so frequently brought against him. The outcry 
increased when it became known that considerable corres- 
pondence between the king and the emigrant nobles had been 
discovered in the palace of the Tuileries. The Convention 
therefore resolved itself into a court, and for a month its sessions 
were devoted to sifting and weighing the evidence against 
Citizen Capet, or Louis Capet, as the king was now called. In 
spite of the eloquent pleadings of the lawyer for the defence, 
the king was finally found guilty of conspiracy by an over- 
whelming vote and was condemned to die. The execution took 



THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 133 



CONVENTION N.-VriONALK. 



DEFENSE 

D E L O U I S,. 

Ttononcjd k la I^arre de U Convention 

frAferTr<fdi 20 Peef' ! re i-r;:,tait pranitrdelj Ik'puHufnf; 

Var k CiuA\n<! Di'.^^^.ZE Tun dc ses Dcl^nscurs 



op^Af^'^r "''^C^^^^'-- 
/ ' A P A R I S> 
DE L/IMPRBIERIE NATIONALi:. 



The Defence of Louis XVI 
The title page of the speech of the advocate appointed to defend the 
king. The queen, Marie Antoinette, has written across the page in Latin 
and in French, "Some one had to die for the people." 



His Execution 



Effects 
upon Europe 



Effects 
upon France 



Treason of 
Dumouriez 



Fall of the 
Girondists 



134 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

place on the present Place de la Concorde, where the guillotine 
had been set up. Louis XVI throughout his whole career never 
showed himself more of a king than at the trial and upon the 
scaffold. 

The news of the trial and execution of Louis XVI came as a 
great shock to states which had hitherto been more or less 
sympathetic towards the Revolution. This was especially true 
of England. Royalty in Europe was profoundly stirred, and the 
immediate result was a hostile combination of practically all 
western Europe against France. Nothing daunted by this 
attitude, the Convention boldly took the initiative and de- 
clared war upon the rulers of England, Spain, Holland, and 
the Holy Roman Empire. France now found herself entirely 
surrounded by enemies, and, to make matters worse, serious 
opposition had developed at home. The entire district of the 
Vendee in western France, which had always been intensely roy- 
alist and was already disaffected, now arose in insurrection, and 
many of the larger cities of the provinces made the death of the 
king a pretext for declaring war upon the Convention. Dumou- 
riez, the only general who had thus far displayed any genius for 
fighting, now proclaimed his hostility to the Convention and 
prepared to lead his troops against them. His soldiers, how- 
ever, refused to follow him, and he fled to Holland for safety. 

Unfortunately for France the Convention was so divided at 
this moment that it too became a great battleground. The 
two great parties which had done so much to shape the course 
of the Revolution now clinched in a life and death struggle for 
supremacy. It was a battle of Titans, but the issue was not 
long in doubt. The Mountain triumphed by summoning to 
their aid the people of Paris. By force of arms they placed 
under arrest twenty-nine of the leading Girondist deputies. 
Some fled to their provinces for safety and there began to or- 
ganize armed resistance to the high-handed acts of a body 
and of a city which, in their opinion, claimed falsely to be act- 
ing in the interests of the whole nation. 



THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 135 

Hastily the remaining members now prepared the new 
constitution, — the task for which they had been originally 
summoned. This was known as the Constitution of the Year I, The Constuu- 
i.e. of the first year of the RepubUc, from which they had now y°" °j *^® 
agreed to date events in the future. Its chief merit lay in its 
recognition of the principle of manhood suffrage — a recognition 
which counted for little at the time, as this government soon 
gave way to the arbitrary rule of the Convention and of the 
Committee of Public Safety. 

63. The Crisis of 1793 and the Formation of the Committee 
of Public Safety. — Matters had now come to a critical pass. 
Although the revolutionary armies at Valmy the preceding 
September and at Jemappes two months later had displayed 
the greatest enthusiasm and had achieved the impossible by 
stemming and beating back the great tide of invasion, no 
provision had yet been made for organizing and beating into Need of Army 
shape the very crude instruments with which these victories had Reorganization 
been attained. The French armies now proved entirely inade- 
quate to meet the new danger. The armies of Spain advanced 
through the Pyrenees; the Austrians took Conde and Valen- 
ciennes; the French fell back before the Prussians in Alsace. 
Then, too, the foes of the Convention swarmed within the 
country. It was no time for putting into operation a govern- 
ment which was even more decentralized than that of 1791. 
The nation not only faced a foreign war of great magnitude 
.without, but civil strife within. These conditions explain the 
extreme measures which marked the year 1793, which has been 
justly regarded as the great turning-point in the entire 
Revolution. 

The situation called for the strongest possible executive body. 
This was found in the Committee of Public Safety, twelve men The Committee 
chosen by the Convention from their own number to handle all °^ ^^^^^ Safety 
problems of administration and to decide upon a proper course 
of action. The government was ''more arbitrary, more absolute, 
more highly centralized than had ever been the absolute mon- 



136 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

archy," even under a Richelieu or a Louis XIV. The leading 
Its Organization members of this Committee, who were chosen for a month at a 
time, but might be reelected indefinitely, were Carnot, to whom 
were intrusted matters pertaining to the army, Barere, Robes- 
pierre, and Saint- Just. A Revolutionary Tribunal became sub- 
ject to their authority, under their direction looked after all 
prosecutions of suspects, and set itself to work to rid the land of 
all traitors. The work of the Committee was greatly furthered 
by the cooperation of the revolutionary committees which were 
estabHshed in the various cities and by the Jacobin organization 
with its numerous branches throughout the country. The 
most effective agency at their command was the group of 
Deputies ''deputies on mission," as they were called, who were assigned 

on Mission ^^ ^^le different armies and to the various cities and depart- 
ments into which the country was divided to see to it that the 
commands of the Committee were obeyed. Death became the 
penalty not alone for disobedience but for failure. 

64. Work of the Committee of Public Safety. — The Com- 
mittee of Public Safety prosecuted its work with vigor. Its 
highly centralized form of organization made it a most effec- 
tive instrument in securing order at home and in winning vic- 
tories abroad. France was virtually placed under a miUtary 
government ; martial law reigned supreme. One of the earliest 
Conscription measures of the government was to decree a general conscrip- 
tion, — a "levy in mass" as it was called — by which a half 
million or more men were called to the defence of the im- 
War Taxes periled country. It also placed a heavy war tax of 1,000,000 
francs upon the well-to-do, passed stringent laws against sus- 
pects, and sought to safeguard the people against the rise 
in prices consequent upon a state of war by the "Law of the 
Maximum," which forbade the selhng of grain and flour at a 
higher price than that fixed by each commune. The most 
effective method, however, which the government employed to 
Reign of Terror handle the domestic problem was ''terror." The "Law of the 
Suspects" proclaimed as traitors not only those who sought in 



THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 137 

any way to deprive the people of the Hberty which they had so 
dearly won, but those who were doing nothing to safeguard it. 
Wholesale arrests followed its enactment, and every day saw not 
one or two but whole batches of victims handed over to the 
guillotine. Among these were the queen, Marie Antoinette, 
Bailly, the former mayor of Paris, the Duke of Orleans, cousin 
of the late king, and many Girondists. From April 6, 1793, to 
July 27, 1794, when terror was the deliberate policy of the 
government, 2596 persons were executed in the city of Paris 
alone. The example set by the Revolutionary Tribunal at the 
capital was followed in the provinces. It is estimated that 
12,000 persons were condemned to death, among whom were 
about 4000 peasants and 3000 from the working class. In the 
city of Lyons the victims were shot; at Nantes they were 
drowned by hundreds in the river Loire without even the sem- 
blance of a trial. So many victims perished here that the water 
was contaminated and the authorities forbade the eating of 
fish. By such rigorous measures the government restored order 
throughout the length and breadth of France. 

Their activities were equally effective in the conduct of the 
war. Carnot reorganized the demoralized troops, placed capable Services of 
generals over them, provided for their equipment and sub- ^*^°°* 
sistence, and, in short, brought order out of the chaos and con- 
fusion which had prevailed up to this time in the military arm of 
the government. Europe has seldom witnessed such a trans- 
formation in a fighting force. The task before Carnot was to 
utilize to the advantage of the nation the tremendous enthusiasm 
and the patriotism so characteristic of the rank and file of these 
armies and to give it an effective means of expressing itself upon 
the battlefield. The spirit of sacrifice which had taken posses- Spirit of 
sion of so many of the soldiers is illustrated by the following *^® Soldiers 
extract from a letter written by a corporal to his peasant mother: 
''When I see you sorrowing over my lot, it pains me more than 
all the evils which I experience and draws tears from my eyes. 
Rejoice instead! Either you will see me returning covered with 



38 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Military 
Successes 



Conquests of 
the French 
Armies 



The 

Revolutionary 
Propaganda 
and its 
Reception 



glory or you will have a son worthy of the name of French citizen 
who will know how to die in defence of his country. When our 
fatherland calls upon us to defend it we should fly to the rescue 
as I would hurry to a good meal. Our lives, our possessions, our 
faculties, are not our own; they belong to the nation, to our 
country. We are here under conditions which savor only of 
death, but I await it with calmness of spirit." 

The success which crowned the efforts of Carnot are attested 
by the title ''Organizer of Victory," which was later bestowed 
upon him by a zealous defender of his acts. Within a few 
months after his entry into the great committee, the French 
armies had entirely expelled the Austrians and Prussians; had 
recovered the great cities of Lyons and Toulon, which had been 
in open revolt against the government; and had overwhelmed 
the Vendean armies upon several bloody battlefields, reducing 
at last this disaffected province to submission to the acts of 
the central government. 

This same amazing energy and driving power were soon 
rewarded by a series of victories on the frontiers. The eleven 
armies which had been placed in the field not only drove the 
invaders from French soil but reconquered Belgium and occu- 
pied the great cities of Cologne and Coblenz. All this was 
accomplished by the end of 1794 — a veritable annus mira- 
bilis in French history. 

Even before the Committee of Public Safety was estabhshed, 
the armies of France had carried the gospel of liberty and 
equality beyond the French borders and it had there found a 
ready acceptance. Back in 1792 the Girondists, conceiving it as 
their mission to champion the cause of the downtrodden and op- 
pressed of every land, had proclaimed their willingness to assist 
their neighbors in throwing off the heavy burdens under which 
they suffered. This same purpose also animated the Convention, 
which promised "Succor and fraternity to all peoples who shall 
desire to receive their liberty." In 1792 the seed had already 
been planted by French armies operating in Belgium, in parts of 



THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 139 

Germany, and in northwestern Italy. These armies had been 
forced to retire, however, before much had been accompHshed. 
The French patriots seized upon this new opportunity with an 
even greater enthusiasm and began again to overrun the Rhen- 
ish provinces and Belgium, proclaiming loudly the welcome 
tidings. More unworthy motives, however, soon came to the 
fore. The Convention decreed that in every country occupied 
by the French armies the feudal rights, the nobility, and all 
existing privileges should be abolished and that the "properties 
belonging to the prince, to his satellites, and to the religious and 
secular communities should be placed under the safe-keeping 
of the French Republic." This act virtually amounted 
to confiscation. The war was taking on a new character, changing 
It was no longer a mere crusade in the cause of liberty, the*Wa/'^° 
but a war of conquest. Side by side with this change was to be 
noted a revival of the ideal of Louis XIV, to establish the Ocean, 
the Rhine, the Alps and the Pyrenees as the boundaries of their 
beloved France. To attain this result, several annexations of 
territory must be effected, and with such ambitions coming to 
the front, the European struggle became a war of aggression. 

This change was appreciated in England, which a century Attitude 
and more before had championed the cause of its weaker con- 
tinental neighbors against the aggressive policies of Louis XIV. 
The occupation of Belgium in 1793 and especially the possession 
of the city of Antwerp brought the power of France to the very 
doors of England. The occupation of Antwerp, they declared, 
was equivalent to pointing a loaded pistol "at the heart of 
England." To anticipate any designs which France might 
have upon England itself, the younger Pitt, who was then 
prime minister, undertook to form a continental coalition 
against France. In this he succeeded so well that by April, The First 
1793, three powers, Austria, Prussia, and England, had pledged 
each other to wage a war of extermination upon France, and 
each was to seek its reward in a portion of French territory. 
Thus the struggle for territory on the part of France was 



and Fears 
of England 



Coalition 



140 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Factions in the 

Government: 

Danton 



Hebert 



Robespierre 
and his Ideas 



matched by a corresponding defensive struggle on the part of 
her adversaries. 

65. Dictatorship of Robespierre and his Overthrow. — With 

this change of fortune upon the frontier and the gradual restora- 
tion of order within, went changes in the government. Danton, 
who more than any other single person had been responsible for 
the radical measures which had been adopted in this crisis and 
who had from the very beginning looked upon these arrange- 
ments as merely temporary in character, now expected that the 
attainment of a semblance of order at home and of victory 
abroad would be followed by more moderate counsels. He had 
seized upon an extreme remedy to meet a desperate situation. 
He was not a member of the Committee ; in fact he had refused 
to accept a position upon it, but his influence with its members 
was fully as great as though he had been one of their number. 
He found many supporters in the position which he now took, 
that the time was ripe for less strenuous measures. The methods 
which the government had employed — the arrests, the hurried 
trials, and the speedy execution of the enemies of the state — 
had encouraged the more radical elements in the Convention 
and in the Committee to demand measures of a more blood- 
thirsty character. These they urged under the guise of a pa- 
triotism which did not always harmonize with their real 
sentiments. Hebert was the leader of this faction, which had 
its representatives among the officials of the Paris Commune. 
For a time the Hebertists, as they were called, shaped to a 
certain extent the course of events both in the capital and in 
parts of the provinces. 

Between these two rival factions stood Robespierre. Robes.- 
pierre has been called one of the enigmas of the French Revolu- 
tion, and various diverse opinions of his motives and conduct 
have been expressed by historians. He was of the puritan 
type, honest and sincere, but saturated through and through 
with the ideas of Rousseau. His purpose seems to have been to 
put these ideas into practice and to remodel France along dem- 



THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 141 

ocratic and rationalistic lines. His one thought was to purify 
the country, — to apply the same sort of a process which the gold 
refiner applies as he strives to separate the pure metal from the 
dross. He did not hesitate, therefore, to employ any means 
which in his mind would further by ever so little the attain- 
ment of his end. Simplicity of life, simplicity of governmental 
organization, a return to nature a la Rousseau, were the essence 
of his state-craft. He had for some time past borne the sur- His strong 
name of "The Incorruptible," such was his reputation for po^^Y^*^ 
honesty. He could not be charged with profiting in a mer- 
cenary way by the power which he wielded. His great weak- 
ness seems to have been his love of popular applause. He 
was always willing to act as the spokesman of the Committee, 
and in this way came to be the best known of its members. 
This failing may explain the prominence which he enjoyed and 
the habit which the people formed of attributing to him, and to 
him alone, measures with which he probably had little to do. 

The Hebertists and Dantonists, as the friends of Dan ton were The Hebertists 
called, both stood in the way of the attainment of Robespierre's 
ideals. It was only for a brief interval that the Hebertists, 
working through the Paris Commune, had the upper hand. The 
church was the special object of their attack. They closed the 
churches, stilled all the church bells as undemocratic, repudiated 
and rejected Christianity, and in its place instituted the Worship 
of Reason. On November 10, 1793, the city of Paris celebrated 
amid great rejoicing the inauguration of the new cult by a great 
procession and a service in Notre Dame at which an opera 
dancer was solemnly installed upon the high altar as the personi- 
fication of the Goddess of Reason. The '^ service" degenerated 
into a veritable orgy and shocked the great masses of people, 
who revolted at such a travesty upon religion. 

Robespierre, with the support of the Convention, was soon Overthrow of 
able to undermine the influence of Hebert and his friends, and 
they were brought before the Tribunal and condemned to 
death as enemies of the state. Their influence in the Paris 



and the Wor- 
ship of Reason 



Hebertists 



142 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Overthrow 
of Danton 
and his 
Followers 



Commune was also broken. The government of the city was 
now placed in the hands of the friends of Robespierre, who was 
no less hostile to Danton and the ideas which he represented. 
It was a more difficult matter to compass the downfall of the 
Great Commoner. The unexpected happened, however, and 
Danton, who had labored so long and so zealously in the interests 
of his country, gave up his life with several of his friends, as so 
many others had done, to purify France and to launch it upon its 
new future. 

Robespierre was now the undisputed master. A desire to 
dictate the course of the Revolution rather than the mere love of 
power seems to have shaped his actions. One of his first steps 
was to establish by a decree of the Convention the worship of 
the Supreme Being, as a protest against the atheism of the 
Hebertists. Robespierre was convinced that in order to be 
permanent a state must be grounded in religion, but, like Voltaire 
and Rousseau, he rejected the established church as narrow and 
bigoted and hostile to the reign of virtue which he was striving to 
inaugurate. The number of victims claimed by the guillotine 
increased rather than diminished in the pursuit of his aims, 
and such was his command over the Committee and the Con- 
vention that he secured the passage of a law by the Convention 
which provided that any of its members could be tried and 
condemned by the Revolutionary Tribunal without their action 
or approval. All that the Tribunal required to rid the country 
of any one objectionable to Robespierre or his associates was 
** moral proof." The accused was deprived both of witnesses 
and defenders; in other words this law legalized assassination. 

This act more than any other precipitated his downfall. No 
one knew where the blow was likely to fall, and there were many 
men in the Convention who were well aware that their patriotism 
would not bear careful scrutiny or investigation. A conspiracy 
was formed and a decree was passed by the Convention accusing 
Robespierre of trying to play the role of another Cromwell. He 
was rescued by his friends and adherents, however, before he 



THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 143 

could be brought before the Tribunal for trial, and for the 
moment Paris was on the verge of a bloody struggle for suprem- 
acy between the Convention and the Robespierrists. Robes- 
pierre hesitated, however, to precipitate an open insurrection. 
The slight resistance offered by his immediate followers was 




KOBESPIERRE ArRESTED BY OrDER OF THE CONVENTION 

speedily broken down, and he was hurried off to the guillotine, 
where he, too, paid the penalty for his devotion to the cause of 
Revolution. With his death the Terror may be said to have End of 
come to an end. That he furnished the inspiration of many of *^® Terror 
its bloodiest acts is shown by the death-toll of 1376 persons 
from the enactment of the law on the loth of June to his fall on 
July 27, 1794. One hundred and fifty persons were executed in 
the two days of the 8th and 9th of July alone. The trials and 
executions did not entirely cease with his death, as might have 



144 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Discontent 



Constitution 
of Year III 



Napoleon 
and the Attack 
upon the 
Convention 



been expected. The months that followed were marked by 
reactionary measures in which the promoters of the bloodshed 
of the preceding months expiated in their turn upon the guillo- 
tine their crime of having exhibited too great a zeal in the cause 
of the Revolution. 

66. The Reestablishment of Constitutional Government. — 
The interval between Robespierre's downfall and the establish- 
ment of the Directory was one of great uncertainty. Royalist 
movements threatened to sweep away all the results which had 
thus far been attained at so great a cost of blood and treasure. 
The abolition of the Law of the Maximum and a scarcity of food 
bred discontent among the masses, and this expressed itself 
in insurrectionary movements. The Convention, however, 
remained true to its republican principles and maintained in 
all its essential features the system which had replaced the ancien 
regime. Its members, recognizing the weaknesses and inade- 
quacy of the Constitution of the Year I, applied themselves to 
the work of framing -a new government which should preserve 
all that was best of the benefits conferred by the Revolution, 
and, in spite of obstacles within the assembly and adverse 
sentiment without, gave to the countfy for its ratification the 
Constitution of the Year III. 

The proposed government was again based upon a property 
qualification — which had been abolished in 1792 — and in 
consequence there was great disssatisfaction with these pro- 
visions among the masses. The Convention sought to prevent 
the return to power of the royalists by a decree requiring that 
two thirds of the newly elected deputies should be chosen 
from their own number. A strong executive was provided for 
in the arrangement for five directors to be chosen by the legis- 
lature. The result was a vigorous effort on the part of the 
royalists to overthrow the constitution and disband the Con- 
vention. This was frustrated by a force of four thousand men 
under Napoleon Bonaparte, a young man of 26, who held at 
bay and dispersed four times that number on Oct. 5, 1795. 



THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 145 

Three weeks later the Convention declared its work finished 
and dispersed with the cry, ''Long live the Republic!" 

France owed much to this body of earnest men, who now Achievements 
adjourned to make way for the new government. From its jf *^® 
membership had been selected the great Committee of Public 
Safety. Without their support, however, much of the work of 
the Committee would have failed. The Committee was their 
creation, their agent, carrying out measures for which they made 
themselves responsible. Within the short period of its existence The 
the Convention had given France a new system of weights and ^^*'"i^ System 

. ./ o and Calendar 

measures, — the metric system of today — had put into opera- 
tion a new calendar, known as the revolutionary calendar, which 
was later repudiated; had laid the foundations of the present 
French educational system ; and prepared the way for the codi- 
fication and simplification of the law by Napoleon Bonaparte a 
few years later. There was no problem too difficult for their 
intelligence. Thus we find them striving to bring order out of 
the tangled finances and blazing the way for the financiers of 
today. Their greatest achievement was undoubtedly the 
preservation of their country in its hour of danger. To them 
rather than to the Great Committee alone should be given the 
credit for bringing France safely through one of the darkest 
hours in her history. 

Already treaties of peace had been signed with Holland, Peace 
Prussia, and Spain (the Treaty of the Hague and the Trea- pjj^^ssfa^"^'''^' 
ties of Basel). This meant the breaking up of the coalition and Spain 
formed by England in 1793. By the terms of these agree- 
ments the Rhine and the Pyrenees were recognized as the 
frontiers of France, thereby estabhshing the principle for which 
Louis XIV had contended a century before. Belgium was 
thus recognized as French territory. England and Austria 
were still factors to be reckoned with, but the attention of the 
latter at this time was drawn to the dismemberment of Po- 
land, and for the moment Austria exerted little pressure upon 
France itself. 



146 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

67. The Dismemberment of Poland. — This period wit- 
nessed the final act in one of the most disgraceful episodes 
which history records, the extinction of Polish nationality by 
the division of Polish territory among Russia, Prussia, and 
Austria. It was not only Poland's misfortune to stand in the 
path of their ambitions but to show lamentable weakness in 
the face of the danger which threatened the country. Reference 
has already been made to the designs of Russia upon this great 
land mass in the days of Peter the Great. It has been pointed 
out how the efforts to carry out their fell purpose helped to 
determine the attitude of these European states towards the 
overthrow of the French monarchy. The first partition of 
Poland, which was based upon a treaty, was consummated in 
1772; the second in 1793; and the final partition in 1795. A 
glance at the map (opposite page 178) will serve to indicate just 
how far each nation profited thereby. Russia perhaps secured 
the lion's share. Thus within the brief period which had elapsed 
since the fateful year 1789, important territorial changes had 
taken place not alone in western Europe but in the east as well. 

SUGGESTIVE TOPICS AND QUESTIONS FOR 
FURTHER STUDY 

I. Distinguish between the peaceful and the violent stages of the French 
Revolution. 2. What was the effect of the flight to Varennes upon the 
country at large? 3. Give a brief characterization of each of the leaders of 
the new republican party. 4. Compare the Champ de Mars with the Boston 
Massacre. 5. Distinguish between the National and the Legislative 
Assembly. 6. Describe some of the French newspapers of the time. 7. 
Contrast the views of the Jacobins and the Girondists. 8. How did the 
Assembly lose the confidence of the common people? 9. Comment upon 
the terms "Madame Veto" and "sanscullotes." 10. What was the origin 
of the "Marseillaise"? 11. How did the Convention propose to revolu- 
tionize Europe? 12. Compare the execution of Louis XVI with that of 
Charles I of England in respect to legality of procedure and justification. 
13. Compare the situation in Europe in March, 1793, with that of August, 
1914. 14. Comment upon these terms: "guillotine," "reign of terror," 
" revolutionary tribunal," " Committee of Public Safety," " law of suspects," 
"the Mountain," 15. Give an account of the rise, pohcy, and downfall of 
Robespierre. 16. Give an account of the three partitions of Poland. 



THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 147 

Collateral Reading 

I. Characters of the French Revolution. Second Part. 

1. Marat. iBelloc, French Revolution, pp. 76-8. Mallet, French 

Revolution, pp. 109-11. Johnston, The French Revolu- 
tion, pp. 106-7, 188-9. Mathews, The French Revolution, 
pp. 144-6, 209-10. 

2. Dan ton. Belloc, pp. 70-4. Johnston, pp. 120-4, i44~56, 

1 71-7, 186-8, 202-8. Mallet, pp. 175-8, 238-40, 247-8. 
Mathews, pp. 185-6. Hayes, Modern Europe, Vol. I, 
pp. 492-3- 

3. Carnot. Belloc, pp. 74-6. Mallet, pp. 147-9, 248-60. 

4. Robespierre. Belloc, pp. 79-85. Mallet, pp. 147-9, 248-60. 

Johnston, pp. 202-21. Plunket, Fall of the Old Order, 
pp. 111-8. Mathews, pp. 186-7, 252-65. Hayes, Vol. I, 

P- 493- 

5. Hebert. Mallet, p. 231. Johnston, pp. 180-1, 190-7, 202-7. 

6. Saint- Just. Mallet, pp. 245-6. Johnston, pp. 205-21. 

7. Sieyes. Mallet, p. 102. Robinson and Beard, Development of 

Modern Europe, Vol. I, pp. 229-30. 

8. Dumouriez. Belloc, pp. 67-9. Mallet, pp. 167-71, 180-1, 

194-5- 
II. The Decline of the Monarchy. 

Johnston, pp. 105-69. Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 249-64. 
Mallet, pp. 98-177. Belloc, pp. 107-30. Morris, The French 
Revolution, pp. 36-74. Rose, The Revolutionary and Napo- 
leonic Era, pp. 43-72. Hayes, Vol. I, pp. 499-503. 
III. The Convention and the Reign of Terror. 

Johnston, pp. 170-238. Belloc, pp. 123-45. Morris, pp. 75-142. 
Rose, pp. 71-92. Mallet, pp. 182-260. Gardiner, The French 
Revolution, pp. 156-220. Stephens, Revolutionary Europe, 
pp. 124-47. Plunket, pp. 103-20. Jeffery, New Europe, pp. 
22-32. Mathews, pp. 224-33. Hayes, Vol. I, pp. 502-12. 

Source Studies 

1. The flight of the king to Varennes. Fling, Source Problems on the 

French Revolution, pp. 251-325. Robinson and Beard, Readings, 
Vol. I, pp. 278-80. 

2. Marat attacks the royahsts. Ibid., pp. 2S1-2. 

3. The Declaration of Pillnitz. Ibid., pp. 282-3. 

4. Opinion of a royalist on the work of the Assembly. Ibid:, pp. 283-5. 

5. Origin of the Jacobin club. Ibid., pp. 285-7. Library of Original 

Sources. Volume VII, pp. 428-30. 

6. Letter of Louis XVI to the King of Prussia. Ibid., pp. 287-8. 

7. French Assembly declares war on Austria. Ibid., pp. 289-90. 

8. Decree against the non-juring clergy. Ibid., pp. 291-2. 



148 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

9. Proclamation of the Duke of Brunswick. Ibid., pp. 292-4. 

10. Debate during the first session of the Convention. Ibid., 295-8. 

11. Proclamation of the Convention to the nations, 1792. Ibid., pp. 298-9. 

12. Views of Saint- Just. Ibid., pp. 300-2. 

13. Views of Desmoulins. /6i£?., pp. 303-8. 

14. Extracts from Burke's views on the French Revolution. Cheyney, 

Readings, pp. 647-50. 

Suggestions for Map Work 

I. Show the changes in central Europe produced by the French 
Revolution. 2. On an outline map of Europe show the countries with 
which the French Republic was at war. 3. Show the ecclesiastical divi- 
sions of France, 1 789-1802. 

Map References 

Shepherd, Historical Atlas. Holt. Typical German states before and 
since the French Revolution, p. 142. Ecclesiastical Map of France, 1789- 
1802, p. 148. 

Dow, Atlas of European History. Holt. Germany in the eighteenth 
century, p. 22. 

Muir, School Atlas of Modern History. Holt. Middle Eastern Europe, 
1795, p. 22. 

Gardiner, Atlas of English History. Longmans. The Austrian Nether- 
lands, 1792, p. 52. 

Bibliography 

The bibliography for this chapter is identical with that of Chapter IV, 
omitting Lowell and Seignobos. 

Cheyney. Readings in English History. Ginn. 



CHAPTER VI 
THE NAPOLEONIC ERA 

68. The Government and the Army in 1795. — With the 
ratification of the new government, known as the Directory, 
and the signing of the Treaties of Basel and the Hague, it might 
have been expected that normal conditions would once more 
prevail in France. The government, though republican in form, 
also partook largely of the character of an oligarchy, as great 
power had been conferred upon the five men who were at the 
head of affairs. However admirable this form of government Weaknesses 
may have appeared upon paper, in practice it soon proved 2j. *^® 
itself wofully inefficient and incompetent. By this time the 
French people were beginning to weary of so many changes in 
such rapid succession, with all the uncertainty and disorder 
with which they were accompanied. When the control over 
the Committee of Public Safety passed into the hands of Robes- 
pierre, it had looked for the moment as though the Bourbon 
system was about to be reestablished, but with this difference, 
that the supreme control was vested in a disciple of Rousseau 
rather than in a representative of the ancien regime. The 
career of Robespierre had demonstrated how easy it was for a 
single individual with a well-defined purpose and possessed of 
a moderate amount of political genius, to absorb into his own 
hands all the powers of the government. 

The great task which the French people had set themselves 
of restoring their country by force of arms to its former posi- 
tion of grandeur and power among the nations of Europe 
offered a golden opportunity to the successful miUtary leader for 
playing at the same time an equally successful political role. 



150 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Influence 
of the Army 



Carnot had built up a splendid military machine. The royal 
aristocratic army of the Bourbons was a thing of the past. 
Promotions were now made on merit for services actually ren- 
dered, and the private with ability might soon find himself at the 
head of great armies. It was essentially the day of the young 
man. Youthful enthusiasm combined with ability soon won 
both recognition and promotion. Among the generals who had 
already won reputations upon the battlefield, there was scarcely 
a man over forty. The more disturbed and uncertain the future, 
the greater the demand for successful military leaders, and the 
easier it was for some one of these to make himself the political 
master. Caesar had become emperor, and Cromwell had been 
named Protector under similar circumstances; our own Wash- 
ington was urged to accept the crown as ruler of these United 
States. Events were now shaping themselves in France towards 
the same end, and the man who was to profit thereby was 
Napoleon Bonaparte. The Directory gave him his opportunity. 
69. Training and Personality of Bonaparte. — Napoleon 
Bonaparte was a French subject born on the island of Corsica 
in 1769. He just escaped being born a citizen of the Genoese 
republic, as Corsica had been annexed to France only the year 
before. By nationality, therefore, he was not a Frenchman 
but an Italian, and throughout his entire career showed many 
of the characteristics of the people of that peninsula. His was 
not an imposing figure; he was too short, his head was much 
too large for his body, and he stood with legs stretched far apart. 
All in all, physically he was a rather insignificant specimen of hu- 
manity. It was his face and eyes, the carriage of the head, the 
Characteristics high forehead, the aquiline nose, and the features which seemed 
chiselled in marble that impressed the beholder. There was 
about the man such an air of quiet determination, such an at- 
mosphere of pent-up activity, as marked him for a natural leader 
among his fellows. He was a marvel of energy and had a capacity 
for hard work and for long hours possessed by few. It is said 
that he seldom slept for more than five hours out of the twenty- 



Nationality 



THE NAPOLEONIC ERA 



151 




Napoleon I 
Napoleon the Great, Emperor of the French, in his coronation robes. 



152 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Education 



At Toulon 



Relations 
with the 
Convention 



Bonaparte 
and the 
Revolution 



four and that he would often rise in the middle of the night and 
summon his secretaries about him. He was a master of detail, 
readily singling out the essentials from the non-essentials. He 
was a strange combination of dreamer and practical man of 
affairs; he would build what appeared to be the wildest castles in 
the air and then deliberately proceed to realize them. At the age 
of ten he was sent over to France to be educated in the military 
school of Brienne, where he showed a very unsocial spirit in his 
contact with his comrades, but displayed a special aptitude for 
mathematics — a clear indication of the natural bent of his 
mind. After he had completed his course he was appointed to 
the artillery branch of the service and first won recognition at 
the siege of Toulon in 1 793 . The Enghsh fleet had been admitted 
to the harbor by traitors within the city, and backed by the 
forces within the city they were holding out against the armies 
of the Convention. Bonaparte saw the weak point in the 
city's defences and, by planting a battery upon one of the 
hills commanding the harbor, forced the English fleet to retire. 
He also earned the gratitude of the Convention by dispers- 
ing the forces which were launched against it on October 
4~5j 1795- I^ short, his services had been such as to augur 
well for his future success as a military leader, but he had not 
as yet attracted general attention, nor was he in any sense a 
political figure. 

Bonaparte had not shown himself particularly interested or 
active in the dramatic changes which marked the early days of 
the Revolution. He had preferred to watch and wait, biding the 
time when his talents might find their proper field of expression. 
Between 1784 and 1789 he had read widely, devouring the 
works of the philosophers and reformers and accepting many 
of their principles as a part of his political creed. He sympa- 
thized but Httle, however, with the aspirations or demands of 
the masses, or with those leaders who catered to their interests. 
He believed in law and order and in system, leaning in his politi- 
cal opinions toward the views of the middle classes. 



THE NAPOLEONIC ERA 




Bonaparte at Toulon 

Bonaparte is represented as charging impetuously up the heights back of 
roulon on which the British were stationed and driving them ignominiously 
from the field. In this action he was wounded in the leg by a British bayonet, 
as shown in the picture. He called this wound his "Baptism of Blood.'' 
Note the uniforms of the soldiers. 



154 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

Marriage 70. Bonapartc in Italy : Campaign of 1796-7. — His marriage 

with josep ine .^ ^^^^ ^.^-^ Josephine de Beauharnais, a beautiful Creole of 

the island of Martinique and the widow of one of the victims of 

the Terror, secured for him the favor of Barras, one of the most 

influential of the Directors, and contributed not a little to his 

appointment in 1796 as general of the Army of Italy. The 

Directory was now planning a decisive blow at Austria and 

Sardinia, who had joined forces against France and were still 

hostile to the Republic. The Directors, acting in part upon 

the advice of Bonaparte, planned to attack Austria both in 

Appointment Germany and in Italy, and in the spring of 1796 Bonaparte 

to the Army ^^^^ Command of the motley force known as the Army of 

of Italy -^ -' 

Italy — a command which, in the words of a contemporary, 
was "to open for him the doors of immortaHty." Crossing 
the Apennines, by the brilliancy of his strategy he quickly 
prevented the Austrians and Sardinians from joining forces 
upon the plains of Lombardy. Defeating each in turn, he 
Peace of soon forced his enemies to sign the Peace of Campo Formio, 

Campo Formio ^^ which Austria recognized the Ligurian and Cisalpine re- 
publics which Bonaparte had created and renounced her claims 
upon Belgium and the lands lying west of the Rhine to 
France. As partial compensation for these losses, the terri- 
tory of the recently conquered Venetian Republic was ceded 
to Austria. 

This campaign established Bonaparte's reputation as a great 
military leader. He had taken a small, ragged, ill-equipped 
Military genius forcc of 37,ooo men and by brilliant manoeuvres had destroyed 
of Bonaparte ypQj^ their own ground five Austrian armies, not one of which 
numbered less than 45,000 men and which were commanded by 
some of the best generals in Europe. This campaign — a 
series of moves consisting of 18 battles and 65 skirmishes — is 
justly accounted "one of the classic pieces of the military art," 
and is therefore worthy of careful study. 

Bonaparte had done more, however, than to secure for himself 
a military reputation. He had come down into northern Italy 



THE NAPOLEONIC ERA 



155 




The Young Bonaparte 

Napoleon Bonaparte is here represented as quelling an insurrection 
in Paris under the Directory. 



156 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Bonaparte 
as the 
Champion 
of Liberty 



Creation of 
Republics 



Bonaparte's 
Opportunity 



posing as the champion of these peoples who were staggering 
under the yoke of Austria, proclaiming as his real purpose the 
restoration of all Italy to its former position of glory and honor 
among the nations. Divided as the land was into small states 
and principalities, with an outsider, Austria, dominating every- 
thing and stifling every effort towards union and independence, 
the message which he brought fell upon receptive ears and 
aroused the greatest hopes and expectations among all ItaHan pa- 
triots. The creation of the Cisalpine and Ligurian republics out 
of a portion of the captured territories was a sort of pledge of 
what they might expect in the future, and the Italian people saw 
in this step the dawn of a new era for a land which had so long 
served merely as a. great battleground for the rest of Europe. 

But Bonaparte had accomplished even more. From this 
time forward the French people began to look to him as the 
coming leader about whom they could rally in a crisis. It was 
not alone his conduct of the campaign, but his administration 
of the conquered country, which marked him as a man of great 
ability. He now began to voice the ambition which stimulated 
him to action. He had already fixed his eye upon the distant 
goal. "Do you think, " he said in conversation with some of his 
intimate friends, "that I triumph in Italy to make the greatness 
of the lawyers of the Directory?" Throughout all these under- 
takings in Italy he constantly kept his finger upon the pulse of 
France, realizing that the time was not far distant when he 
would be called upon to declare his real purpose, but knowing 
full well, to quote his own words, that the "pear was not yet 
ripe." He still posed as a champion and as a supporter of the 
existing order in France and despatched one of his subordinates 
to Paris in September, 1797, when royahst movements threat- 
ened the overthrow of the Directory. 

71. Bonaparte in Egypt. — There was only one nation still 
in arms against France. That was England. When Bonaparte 
laid down his command in Italy and was ready to return to 
France he found himself in a rather embarrassing position. No 



THE NAPOLEONIC ERA 



"^51 



sufficient pretext was at hand for another change in the gov- 
ernment, and any one who attempted such a move was fore- 
doomed to failure. The Directors, while they feared Bonaparte, 
did not know how to safeguard themselves against him or what 
to do with him. They therefore welcomed his proposal that he 
be intrusted with a force which should deliver a telling blow at 
England's power in the Mediterranean. Such an expedition 




Bonaparte in Egypt 

The figure of Bonaparte is seen plodding resolutely on ahead of his troops 
over the sands of Egypt in the Egyptian campaign, 

fitted in well with Bonaparte's schemes. Not only did the proj- 
ect open up great possibilities in the acquisition of additional Aims of 
honor and glory, but it afforded him a pretext for absenting o"*?^''*® 
himself for the time being from affairs at the capital. He was 
undoubtedly fascinated by the idea of repeating Alexander's 
exploits in the East. He proposed to land a force in Egypt and, 
having won a foothold there, to strike at England's supremacy in 
India. If all went well he might carve out for himself a great 
eastern empire which should rival that of the great Macedonian. 
He accordingly set sail with a large fleet and a picked force of 
35,000 soldiers, and, landing at Alexandria, soon occupied 



158 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Battle of 
the Pyramids 



Battle of 
the Nile 



Invasion 
of Syria 



Zurich, 1799 



Bonaparte's 
Return 



Cairo, fighting several battles with the Mamelukes, who were 
the real rulers of the land. One of these was fought within the 
shadow of the Pyramids. ''Forty centuries are looking down 
upon you," was his exhortation to his soldiers as he drew them 
up in battle order. The first setback to the expedition was the 
loss of the fleet. The English government, realizing the danger 
that threatened its power in the Mediterranean and possibly 
in India, had ordered the fleet under Admiral Nelson to in- 
tercept the French expedition. Nelson failed in this, but the 
first day of August, 1798, he finally came upon the French fleet 
at anchor in Aboukir Bay at the mouth of the Nile. By a series 
of manoeuvres he placed the French ships at the disadvantage 
of being outnumbered two to one, and in the battle which fol- 
lowed he destroyed all but four vessels. Two of these were 
ships of the line and the others frigates. The Battle of the 
Nile, or of Aboukir Bay, as it is sometimes called, bottled up the 
French army in Egypt, cutting off entirely Bonaparte's com- 
munications with France. Nothing daunted, he invaded Syria, 
and upon ground made famous by the crusaders centuries be- 
fore won several battles, but was repulsed at Acre and forced 
to retire into Egypt again. He showed remarkable skill in 
handling his now weakened forces and won a great name for 
himself among the Turks. 

Soon after his return to Egypt he learned from some English 
newspapers which fell into his hands that matters were pro- 
gressing unfavorably at home; that war had broken out again 
between France and Austria; and that all his Italian conquests 
had been lost. Although the tide of battle began to turn in 
favor of the Directory by the victory of Zurich in September, 
1799, this body had already fallen into such disrepute that some 
change of government was imminent. The time seemed most 
opportune for his return if he were to take advantage of the 
situation. Abandoning his army in Egypt and accompanied 
by only a few of his most trusted generals, Bonaparte with great 
difficulty succeeded in escaping the patrol of English ships and 



THE NAPOLEONIC ERA 159 

in making his way back to France, where he was received with 
the wildest enthusiasm. His countrymen, knowing of nothing 
but his successes, Uttle reaUzed that his Egyptian expedition The End of 
had entirely failed in its main purpose and that it was only a ^^ ^mon*° 
matter of time when the abandoned army, like water, would be 
entirely absorbed by the sands of the Egyptian deserts. How- 
ever, even though the French did not take over Egypt in this 
campaign, they left their mark upon it. Bonaparte had taken 
with him prominent engineers, archaeologists, and scientists, and 
the expedition in many ways partook of the nature of a modern 
exploring expedition. These men studied the monuments, study of Egypt 
the history, the institutions, and the resources of the country, ^^./^j.. 
For the first time Europe was given a knowledge of the past and 
an interest in the present of this cradle of ancient civilization 
which has been the foundation for all later study and interest. 
It was a Frenchman, Champollion, who deciphered the Rosetta 
Stone, which was discovered at this time, and by so doing made 
it possible for scholars to read the hieroglyphics and marvel at 
the achievements of the long-forgotten Pharaohs. 

72. Establishment of Bonaparte's Power in France. — Bona- 
parte had returned at a time most favorable for the furtherance 
of his ambitions. All eyes were now turned to him as the 
instrument for extricating France from her present troubles 
and restoring peace and prosperity to the distracted country. In 
his absence matters had gone from bad to worse. The country 
was bankrupt; the roads infested with brigands; the govern- 
ment utterly discredited and despised; and graft reigned inefficiency and 
supreme. The efforts of the American representatives to secure thTiJireTtor ° 
a treaty of friendship with the new government showed up in 
starthng fashion the corruption which honeycombed the ad- 
ministration and brought our country to the verge of war with 
its former ally. The American representatives were not only 
unable to get a hearing with the directors, but it was also inti- 
mated by certain men who acted as go-betweens in the nego- 
tiations that they could neither look for a favorable reception 



6o ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Overthrow of 
the Directory 



nor a satisfactory conclusion to their mission without first 
advancing large sums of money to members of the French 
government. This prompted one of our diplomats to ex- 
claim: "Millions for defence, but not one cent for tribute." 
President Adams laid bare the negotiations in a message 
to Congress substituting for the names of these agents the 
letters X, Y, Z, and the episode is usually known as the X, Y, Z 
affair. 

Bonaparte showed his political sagacity by sounding the 
feelings of the different factions and leaders before committing 
himself to any line of action. The presence of his brother in 
one of the law-making bodies and the cooperation of Sieyes, an 
unscrupulous politician and one of the Directors, enabled him 
to plan and execute successfully the overthrow of the Directory 
and the formation of a new government known as the Consulate, 
a name taken from the pages of Roman history. By force 
and intrigue they executed the coup d'etat of the i8th Bru- 
maire ^ as it was called, by which they placed themselves in 
entire control of the state. This coup d'etat, or quickly executed 
move against the existing order, was the first of a series of such 
steps in the history of France. 

Under Bonaparte's influence a complicated constitution was 
now drawn up which divided the legislative power between four 
bodies: one to propose the laws; another to discuss them; one to 
vote upon them; and finally a Senate to determine their consti- 
tutionality. The real power was lodged in the hands of three 
The Consulate consuls, of whom Bonaparte was named first consul, his col- 
leagues counting for little more than figure-heads. In all but 
name Bonaparte was now master of France. He had made 
himself necessary, almost indispensable, to his countrymen, and 
they gladly placed themselves under his orders. They believed 
him to be all that he claimed himself to be, "a true child of the 
Revolution." He was, therefore, the proper person to com- 

1 Brumaire was the second month of the republican calendar. The 
date according to our calendar is November 9, 1799. 



THE NAPOLEONIC ERA 



[6l 



plete its work. The true situation was probably appreciated 
only by the few, as the new Constitution of the Year VIII was 
submitted to the vote of the people and was approved by a 
large majority. This device, which Bonaparte employed upon 




The Coup d'Etat of the i8th Brumaire 

Bonaparte entered the Councils, escorted by soldiers; the Ancients listened 
to him quietly; but the Five Hundred in tumult proposed to declare him and 
his followers outlaws; and after a stormy scene the deputies were driven from 
the hall by the grenadiers. 

other occasions of a similar character, was known as the pie- 
hiscite (another term smacking of the days of the Roman re- 
pubHc), and by it the people were allowed to vote yes or no, 
without comment, upon propositions carefully prepared before- 
hand by those in authority. It might have been termed a 



The Plebiscite 



of the Consulate 
into the Empire 



162 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

form of referendum had the proposals originated with the rep- 
resentatives of the people themselves. 
Transformation Bonaparte had not been in power long before he submitted to 
the people the question as to whether the term of the first consul 
should not be for life. Still later he submitted his final proposal, 
that he be created Emperor of the French people. Each of 
these changes involved modifications in the existing government, 
but not one of these was serious enough to give rise to any dis- 
turbance of the existing order. When Bonaparte undertook to 
set France in order in 1799, many of the royalists had misin- 
terpreted his purpose. They had expected him to play the role 
of another Monk, using his sword to bring back the exiled 
Bourbons as Monk had used his to restore the exiled Stuarts. 
They were soon undeceived. His ideal seems to have been the 
inauguration of a form of benevolent despotism for France with 
himself as the despot. There were probably many reasons which 
prompted Bonaparte to the final step by which he made himself 
Emperor, not -the least of which was his far-reaching ambition, 
especially his desire for glory and his delight in the working 
out of big problems. He looked upon himself as a second 
Charlemagne, who was destined to confer upon all western 
Europe the benefits of the French Revolution, even as the great 
hero of the Middle Ages had conferred upon it the blessings of 
peace and unity. 

73. The Work of Peace. — Bonaparte saw the need of a 
speedy and satisfactory solution of several domestic problems 
which had long torn France asunder and had proved serious ob- 
stacles to the realization of that peace and prosperity which, in 
deference to the people's demands, he was so anxious to estab- 
lish. Although he regarded himself as entirely outside the do- 
main of religion and morals, time and again he declared that no 
state could be permanent that was not grounded upon an estab- 
hshed church. He sought to put an end to the strife between 
the clergy and the government by opening negotiations with the 
Pope for a settlement of these controversies. Bonaparte was by 



THE NAPOLEONIC ERA 163 

no means desirous of restoring the church to a position where 
it might prove a possible rival to his own authority. Accord- 
ingly, he secured the assent of the Pope to the Concordat of 1801, The Concordat 
an arrangement under which church and state worked together, 
not always harmoniously, it is true, until its repeal in 1905. 
The Catholic Church renounced its claims upon the lands 
which had been wrested from it ten years before and was 
again recognized as the state church. No church dignitaries 
were to be appointed without the consent of Bonaparte, who 
retained in his own hands the power of nomination. The gov- 
ernment recognized the jurisdiction and headship of the Pope 
over the French church, but the church in France retained its 
essentially national character. By a series of " organic articles " 
which Bonaparte added to the Concordat, the pubHcation of 
papal bulls and the holding of councils were forbidden without 
the authority of the government. 

There were other problems of domestic administration pressing 
for solution. Bonaparte completed the work of reorganizing 
the system of local government under which so much of disorder 
and turmoil had been possible, replacing the older governing Administrative 
bodies with a series of officials to whom were assigned well- Reforms 
defined areas to administer. The lower officials answered to 
others of higher rank placed over them, all authority finally 
centring in the head of the state. It was in reality an applica- 
tion of the principle of military organization to the civil govern- 
ment. The preservation of the essential features of this system 
to our own day attests its success. 

Bonaparte completed much of the work begun by the Con- 
vention. In a remarkably short time he had systematized the Law 
laws of France and drawn up various codes, the most important 
being the Civil Code. The work was so well done that it forms 
the basis of the French legal system of today. The influence 
of these changes may be traced in the legal codes of several 
other European States. He also put the finishing touches 
upon the French educational system by the creation of the 



1 64 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Education 



The Legion 
of Honor 



Public Works 



The Bank 
of France 



Schemes for 

Colonial 

Empire 



Louisiana 



University of France, by which all the public schools of the 
empire were made a part of one great organization and were 
directed in all their work by the central government. These 
changes were also a part of the enduring work of the Napo- 
leonic era. 

Bonaparte also established the Legion of Honor, an organiza- 
tion through which those serving the state in any capacity might 
receive recognition from the government for work of conspicuous 
merit. It served, too, as did so many of Bonaparte's arrange- 
ments, to bind the people the more closely to himself and made 
it appear that he alone was the great source of honor and ad- 
vancement. 

In various ways Bonaparte encouraged trade and industry. 
He won the support of the peasants and the small landholders 
by placing them in secure possession of their lands. The titles 
to these had been none too secure as the result of the many 
changes through which the country had passed. He also under- 
took great public works, such as beautifying Paris by monuments 
and parks and the construction of beautiful avenues. He built 
•great roads along natural highways and improved others which 
had fallen into disuse or had been neglected. He established 
the Bank of France as a means of maintaining the credit of the 
country and of furthering international trading operations. 
This institution was modelled upon the famous Bank of England. 
To his credit must be placed the final successful solution of the 
financial problems which had taxed the resources of a Necker 
and a Calonne and a score of other financiers and had been fear- 
fully complicated by the issues of great quantities of assignats. 

His plans for restoring to the French people the prestige which 
had once been theirs as a great colonial power are of special 
interest, not alone for the breadth of view which they illustrate 
but for their bearing upon the future of North and South 
America. He forced Spain to transfer the Louisiana territory 
to France with a view to developing its vast resources and mak- 
ing it a great outlet for French industry and French enterprise. 



THE NAPOLEONIC ERA 165 

But the course of events in Europe, particularly the outbreak 
of war with England in 1803, prompted him to abandon these 
grandiose schemes and he transferred the title to the United 
States for $15,000,000, as the possession of this sum at the time 
outweighed any considerations of the future value of the terri- 
tory as a French colony. In pursuance of the ambitions of the 
French people he pressed the campaign for the reconquest of 
the island of Hayti, which had rebelled under the leadership of Hayti 
one of the greatest representatives of the negro race, Toussaint 
rOuverture. He realized when too late the fearful cost of the 
enterprise, thousands of the best troops of France perishing 
through the ravages of the deadly cHmate and at the hands of 
the infuriated negro population. Favored by projects which de- 
manded the conqueror's entire energies at home, the island soon 
recovered its independence, setting up the tirst negro republic 
in the new world. 

74. The Establishment of Bonaparte's Power in Italy. — 
Most of the work just described was completed within the inter- 
val between Bonaparte's arrival in France in 1799 and May, 
1803. Upon becoming First Consul he felt it to be his task to 
recover once more the territories which he had won in his memo- 
rable Italian campaign of 1796-7. As has already been noted 
(sec. 71), the tide had begun to turn in favor of the armies The Second 
of the Directory even before Bonaparte had landed upon French canTp^i— 
soil. By his great victory of Marengo in Italy and Moreau's 
victory of Hohenlinden in Germany, he dealt such a blow to Marengo and 
the combination known as the Second Coahtion (England, Ho^®'^^*"^*®^ 
Russia, Austria, Turkey, and Naples), which had been formed in 
his absence, that Austria was glad to sign a treaty of peace, and 
England, laying aside her arms for the first time after almost 
ten years of continuous fighting, soon afterwards signed the 
Treaty of Amiens. The Marengo campaign in Italy was a 
masterpiece of military strategy. Bonaparte struck successive 
blows at his enemies when they least expected it and showed 
himself the greatest general in Europe. By the treaty with 



1 66 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Results 



Power 

of Bonaparte 

in Italy 



Peace 
of Amiens 



Austria (Peace of Luneville, 1801), Italy was practically placed 
under French domination. The Cisalpine republic was reestab- 
lished, but was soon transformed into the Italian repubhc under 
the presidency of Bonaparte; Austria recognized the Helvetic 

republic, which had been 
formed in Switzerland un- 
der French auspices a few 
years before, and the Ba- 
tavian republic, which had 
been created in the same 
fashion out of Holland. 
The French also established 
themselves in the fortresses 
of the Kingdom of Naples 
and consequently held sway 
throughout the length and 
breadth of the peninsula. 
This reestabhshment of the 
power of France in Italy 
marks the beginning of a 
series of changes which 
made Bonaparte master 
and dictator of Europe. 

75. Bonaparte and Eng- 
land. — When, exhausted 
by the strain of war, Eng- 
land signed the Treaty of 
Amiens, her far-sighted 
statesmen recognized that they had merely concluded a tem- 
porary peace. Bonaparte was prompted to lay aside hostili- 
ties for the time being, that he might the better prepare for the 
struggle which he knew could not be long delayed or deferred. 
The power of France had grown too great for the security of 
England. The situation might be compared with that which 
prevailed in Europe in the days of Louis XIV. No sooner was 




The Passage of the Alps 

Bonaparte crossing the Alps by the 
Great Saint Bernard Pass on his second 
Italian campaign in 1800. His men are 
dragging the cannon over some of the dif- 
ficult places to the music of a band sta- 
tioned by the road. 



THE NAPOLEONIC ERA 167 

the treaty signed than the EngHsh began to suspect the First 
Consul of bad faith, and they therefore refused to carry out one 
of the conditions imposed by the treaty, namely the surrender 
of the island of Malta. Bonaparte also showed himself very 
sensitive to the comments which appeared in the English news- 
papers. With the strained relations which existed it was not a 
difficult matter to bring about an open rupture. The English Dissatisfaction 
merchants and manufacturers undoubtedly welcomed the peace ^"^ *^^ ^^^^^ 
in the hope that it would mean new markets for their wares in 
France and the French dependencies, but in this they were 
doomed to disappointment, as Bonaparte showed no desire of 
opening up France to English merchandise. His policy was 
rather the opposite, to surround her with a Chinese wall of 
exclusion so far as trade regulations were concerned. 

It has been often said, and with much truth, that it was 
England's persistent hostihty that brought about the destruction 
of all Bonaparte's schemes and effected his final downfall. The 
English people certainly exhibited in a remarkable manner the 
bull-dog tenacity characteristic of the Anglo-Saxon in the long 
struggle which now opened in 1803 and which was only to close Renewal 
upon the battle-field of Waterloo in 181 5 after weary years of ^^ hostilities 
fighting. In this phase of the war and in the earlier struggles 
with the French repubhc, the island empire was forced to meet 
every kind of an attack. The efforts which the French had 
already launched against her through Ireland in 1796 and 
through Egypt in 1798 had proved unsuccessful. Bonaparte 
now tried or rather planned a direct invasion. He began 
massing troops at Boulogne and gathering transports pre- The Camp 
paratory to conveying them across the Channel. The Channel, ^* Boulogne 
although narrow, is a choppy bit of water and exceedingly diffi- 
cult to cross even in time of peace. Bonaparte felt that he must 
have command of the Channel long enough to land his troops, 
and with this end in view he planned a series of manoeuvres 
with the joint French and Spanish fleets. These plans, how- 
ever, came to naught, and in 1805 the EngHsh fleet under Lord 



68 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Trafalgar, 1805 Nelson encountered the combined fleets off Cape Trafalgar on 
the Spanish coast. In the battle which followed almost the 
entire French fleet was destroyed. England was now more 
than ever mistress of the seas, but the battle of Trafalgar 

was Nelson's last exploit, 
as he was killed in the ac- 
tion. It was on the eve 
of this battle that Nelson 
issued the famous order to 
his men, ''England expects 
every man to do his duty." 
Before treating the 
further progress of this 
duel with England, it is 
necessary to note the 
assumption of the impe- 
rial title by the First 
Consul. Directly follow- 
ing the Peace of Amiens, it 
was proposed to extend his 
consulship for life. This 
proposal was submitted to 
a popular vote and three 
million and a half favored 
it, while only eight thousand were unfavorable. The gov- 
ernment was made more absolute. About this time plots 
against Napoleon's life were discovered, and in the face of a 
new European war, it was considered necessary to show the 
confidence which France felt in him by bestowing upon him a 
higher title than any he had hitherto borne. Accordingly, 
in 1804, the title of Napoleon I, Emperor of the French, was 
conferred upon him. From this time on he was known as 
Napoleon. His coronation was very spectacular. 

76. Extension of Napoleon's Power over Central Europe. — 
Developments upon the continent had already modified Napo- 




Nelson 

Nelson in his cabin on H. M. S. Vic- 
tory before the battle of Trafalgar. From 
the painting by Orchard. 



THE NAPOLEONIC ERA 



169 



Icon's plan of invading England. The Tsar had joined with 
Austria against Napoleon, and England had promised substantial 
financial assistance. Although it was understood that Prussia 
would join the alliance, she failed to act with them. Napoleon 




The Coronation of Napoleon 

Napoleon is here shown taking the crown from the hands of the Pope 
and placing it upon his own head, thus declaring himself above the power 
of the Church. 

had been negotiating with her ruler and had purchased his 
neutrality with the bait of George Ill's Electorate of Hanover. 
This combination of Russia, England, and Austria was known Formation 
as the Third Coalition against France and had been brought xhird^ Coalition 
about largely through the labors of William Pitt the Younger, 



1 70 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

the English prime minister, who expected great things from it. 
The Austrians placed two armies in the field and counted upon 
reenforcements from Russia before they should come to blows 
with Napoleon. The latter acted with characteristic prompt- 
ness and energy, and before the Austrians and Russians were 
able to join forces he inflicted a severe defeat upon the Austrians 
at Ulm. Two months later he encountered the combined forces 
uim with such success at Austerlitz (1805) that the Emperor Francis 

an uster itz j-^^j^j^jy begged for an interview with the victor to arrange terms 
of peace. Austerlitz has been called the finest battle in history 
— a model combat. It was a decisive victory, and Austria was 
completely overthrown. Pitt was so disappointed over the 
outcome of his efforts that he is said to have exclaimed "Roll 
up the map of Europe; it will not be wanted these ten years." 
He did not long survive the shock, as he died in January, 
1806. 

Napoleon was given a free hand to make any arrange- 
ments which he .might choose for central Europe. He now as-~ 
Reorganization sumed the rolc of a modern Charlemagne. Within the next six 
°^i^^u"^°^ months he had made four kings; had transferred Hanover to 

and Changes " ' 

in Italy Prussia; had cut down the states of Germany from three hun- 

dred and sixty to eighty- two; had aboHshed the Holy Roman 
Empire altogether; and had formed out of the states along the 
Rhine a confederation under his presidency (The Confederation 
of the Rhine). By the terms of the Treaty of Pressburg which 
Austria signed with Napoleon, valuable territories on the Ad- 
riatic were ceded to France. By these cessions Austria lost 
control of the routes to the Adriatic, to Italy, and down the 
valley of the Rhine. Napoleon conferred the title of king upon 
the Electors of Bavaria and of Wurtemberg for '' the attachment 
which they had displayed to the Emperor"; transformed the 
Batavian republic into the Kingdom of Holland, making his 
brother Louis its ruler; and seized the kingdom of Naples, be- 
stowing the crown upon his brother Joseph. 
Napoleon's mastery of Europe, however, was speedily chal- 



THE NAPOLEONIC ERA 171 

lenged, and before the year 1806 had passed a Fourth CoaHtion The Fourth 

was formed against him consisting this time of England, Prussia, ^°^^'**°° 

and Russia. The king of Prussia, Frederick William III, had 

shown throughout this period an indecision and a vacillation 

which had made him an uncertain factor to be reckoned with. 

Napoleon had handled him so skilfully that he was in danger of 

being completely isolated and of being forced to act alone in his 

dealings with France. He had held off from participation in the Attitude of 

Austrian campaign. Napoleon, however, had shown himself ^^^^^^^ 

in reality so antagonistic to Prussian interests that Frederick 

William at last decided that the interests of Prussia demanded 

war with Napoleon. Prussia had reasons enough for placing 

obstacles in the path of Napoleon, but the hesitation of her ruler 

led to her undoing. Napoleon again proved himself a master 

of the art of war, and in the two battles of Auerstaedt and Jena 

(1806) inflicted upon the Prussians such a terrible defeat that 

within a month after the campaign had opened there was not a 

vestige remaining of the great Prussian army which had gone out jena'and the 

against him. Jena was a terrible blow to the military prestige 

so long enjoyed by Prussia. The king showed himself a cowardly 

poltroon, taking refuge in the one province remaining to him and 

writing to one of his ministers to see to it that Napoleon was well 

taken care of in such of the royal palaces as he should choose for 

his residence, and requesting that he make the necessary drafts 

upon the Prussian treasury to meet the expense. Napoleon 

made a triumphal entry into Berlin and exacted an oath from 

all the officials and functionaries of the kingdom to "contribute 

with all their forces for the execution of the measures which 

should be prescribed to them for the service of the French army 

and not to enter into any correspondence or communication 

with their enemies." They one and all sought to outdo each 

other in their show of submission and weakness. 

77. Napoleon's Power at its Height. — Napoleon now pressed Napoleon 
on against the Russians, but found in them a much more stub- ^°^ Russia 
born foe. Although he claimed the battle of Eylau as a victory Eyiau 



Humiliation 
of Prussia 



72 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Friedland 



Meeting 
at Tilsit 



Completion 
of the 

Reorganization 
of Germany 



because the Russian army retired from the field, — a move 
which Napoleon himself seriously contemplated but which the 
Russian general was the first actually to execute, — nothing was 
gained by the combat. The battle was fought in a blinding 
snowstorm and was one of the bloodiest of the Napoleonic epoch. 
One fifth of the forces engaged were either killed or wounded. 
Napoleon did not resume military operations against the Rus- 
sians until the spring, and in June, 1807, won such a decisive 
victory at Friedland that the Tsar sued for peace. The two 
emperors, the one of the East and the other of the West, arranged 
a meeting on a raft at Tilsit in the river Niemen on June 16, 
1807. The King of Prussia was not admitted to their delibera- 
tions, but it was he who paid the expenses of the war, for by the 
terms to which they agreed he was deprived of his new acquisition 
Hanover and, in addition, of all territories which he possessed 
upon the left bank of the Elbe and all that Prussia had taken from 
Poland in the second and third partitions of that unfortunate 
country. These terms were granted him. Napoleon intimated, 
"out of consideration for His Majesty the Emperor of all theRus- 
sias." The two emperors were apparently very much attracted 
to each other. Each set out to win the confidence of the other 
and succeeded so well that the Tsar recognized all that Napoleon 
had done in the West and Napoleon in turn assured his new friend 
that he should have a perfectly free hand in the East. The Tsar 
was to offer England his mediation and attack her on his ally's 
behalf if she did not accept it; while, on the other hand. Napoleon 
was to render the Tsar a like service, offering the Turks, who were 
at war with Russia, his mediation. In the event of their refusal 
he promised to attack them and to dismember their empire. 

Napoleon now completed the changes which he had set on foot 
in Germany by forming the kingdom of Westphalia out of the 
lands taken from Prussia, intrusting it to his brother Jerome, and 
by conferring upon the Elector of Saxony the title of King, 
intrusting to him the Grand Duchy of Warsaw which he had 
formed from Prussian Poland. 



THE NAPOLEONIC ERA 



173 




174 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Extent of 

Napoleon's 

Power 



Napoleon's 
Designs upon 
Spain 



Weakness 
of Spain 



Attitude of the 
French People 
towards 
Napoleon 



The Treaty of Tilsit marks the height of Napoleon's power. 
With the possible exception of Spain, his influence was supreme 
from the Straits of Gibraltar in the West to the dominions of 
the Turk in the East, and from the Mediterranean to the Baltic. 
Although Spain had been planning an attack upon Napoleon 
in 1806, the outcome of the Jena campaign dampened somewhat 
her martial ardor and these plans were speedily abandoned. 
Napoleon had already determined upon the ruin of the 
Spanish Bourbons, for he had learned of Spain's proposed 
defection from correspondence found in the Prussian capital. 
He had not as yet set about to accomplish it. His power, 
however, was recognized throughout the peninsula even though 
it had not yet fallen under his transforming hand. His disposal 
of Louisiana in 1803 is a clear indication of the subservient 
role which Spain had been playing for some time past under 
her weak ruler, Charles IV. The one great power which still 
refused to acknowledge his sway was England, and Napoleon 
now set himself to the great task of securing its overthrow. He 
had not only France to draw upon, with all its wealth and re- 
sources, but Europe as well. 

78. The Influence of the Napoleonic Regime. — The influ- 
ence of the Napoleonic regime, as it might be called, now began 
to show itself both upon France and upon Europe. Napoleon 
had time and again remarked at the outset of his career that 
what the French people wanted was glory. He had insisted 
that the love of glory was with Frenchmen a sixth sense. He 
had played upon this string so persistently that by 1807 his 
hearers were beginning to weary somewhat of the strain. In 
his earlier campaigns he had done much to restore France to her 
position of honor and respect among the nations, but it was no 
longer possible to see in the manifold schemes of Napoleon the 
Emperor the advantage of the French nation. The bitter 
warfare which he waged with England, which became the 
more bitter with every passing year, Vv^as regarded by many as 
highly detrimental to the best interests of France. England had 



THE NAPOLEONIC ERA 175 

already entered upon that great industrial era in her history 
which made her the workshop of Europe (sec. 86 ff.) and her 
control of the seas made it difficult for the French people to 
secure many of the articles from the East and from America to 
which they had so long been accustomed. With the passage 
of time the feelitig became stronger that Napoleon's enterprises 
were dictated with an eye primarily to the glory and advance- 
ment of a single man rather than to that of the French nation 
which he pretended to serve. 

On the other hand, in spite of the splendid services which 
Napoleon had rendered France in completing and rounding out 
the work begun in the days of the Revolution, there was now 
to be detected in much that he did a strain of absolu-tism, a Growth of 
desire to bend the people to his will. Liberty of the press and ^^^oiutism 
of speech had entirely disappeared. Reverence for the emperor 
was not only taught in the schools but formed a part of the 
catechism of the state church. A thoroughly centralized bureau- 
cratic administration had replaced the more democratic forms 
of government which had existed in the early days of the Rev- 
olution, and, with the increased importance attached to the 
court and to the services rendered to the person of the em- 
peror, all individual initiative seemed at an end. The plans 
which Napoleon sought to carry out from this time forward 
emphasized more than ever the great change which had taken 
place in his relations to the French people. 

Although Napoleon by his supremacy in Europe had been Europe 
able to confer upon some of the most backward communities ^^^ Napoleon 
many of the blessings of the Revolution and a law, order, and 
system entirely foreign to them under their exiled rulers and 
administrators, here again he ignored altogether the wishes of 
the governed and failed on almost every occasion to take them 
into his confidence. His attitude was very much like that of 
the benevolent despot of the earlier period, but there was this 
marked difference — the administrators whom he placed over 
the conquered or annexed territories were in most cases for- 



76 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Attempts to 
crush England 



The Berlin 
Decree 



Orders 
in Council 



Milan Decree 



eigners, aliens to the people over whom they were set to govern. 
In spite, therefore, of the benefits which he conferred of good 
laws, good roads, an efficient police, and the like, the great empire 
which he had reared rested in reality upon a foundation of sand 
likely at any moment to collapse into a mighty ruin. 

79. The Nationalist Reaction Against Napoleon. — It was not 
the rulers of Europe, not primarily the persistent opposition of 
England, which brought Napoleon's power to an end, but the 
people themselves, whose wishes he failed to consult and whose 
opposition in an evil day he finally aroused. He brought this 
hornet's nest about his ears in the supreme effort which he now 
put forth to crush England. This scheme had begun to take 
shape in 1806, but it was really launched in all its vigor after he 
had secured the cooperation of the Tsar Alexander in that mem- 
orable interview on the Russian frontier in June, 1807. The plan 
was to sap England's strength by cutting off her commercial 
intercourse with the rest of the world and particularly her traffic 
with Europe. Napoleon now had the continent sufficiently 
under his control to feel that he could effectively close all its 
ports to English merchandise and to English vessels. While 
in Berlin, just after the Jena campaign, he issued the Berlin 
Decree, proclaiming all the ports of England in a state of block- 
ade, forbidding trade in English and colonial wares and exclud- 
ing from French and allied ports any ship that had touched at 
those of Great Britain. This marked the beginning of the so- 
called continental blockade or continental system. England 
immediately retaliated with Orders in Council, forbidding all 
neutrals to trade between France and her allies or between 
ports that observed the Berlin Decree. Napoleon came back 
at England in the Milan Decree, by which any neutral vessel 
obeying this order should be regarded as denationalized and be 
treated as an English vessel. The United States was the worst 
sufferer by these orders, and the trade of New England was well- 
nigh ruined in the commercial warfare which followed. The 
right of search, which was exercised most rigorously by England 



THE NAPOLEONIC ERA 177 

in the period which followed, and her control of the sea, which Right of search. 

enabled her to enforce her decrees, finally brought the United andWarofi8i2 

States to the point of war with England, the War of 181 2. It 

was not England which became the worst sufferer in this contest 

for mastery, but rather France and Europe. The situation had 

been bad enough before, as it had been exceedingly difficult to 

procure the necessities which only England and America could 

supply. Prices now began to soar even higher as a result of the 

blockade, and France was so hard put to it to secure the necessary 

cloth and colonial products that Napoleon relaxed somewhat the 

rigors of the blockade by issuing licenses to a favored few to 

bring in some of the more needed articles. 

With the twofold object of securing a firmer control of Spain 
and Portugal for the enforcement of these decrees and of extend- 
ing his direct control over western Europe by a system of depend- 
ent kingdoms. Napoleon undertook through craft and force to 
displace the Bourbons from the Spanish throne and to annex 
Portugal (1808). His ambition to extend his sway and to enlarge 
the empire over which he ruled seemed to know no bounds. ''I Napoleon's 
may find the Pillars of Hercules in Spain, but I shall not find u^^erLi 
the limits of my power, " was his remark on one occasion. The Monarchy 
attempt to accomplish these two objects opened the way for his 
downfall. His efforts to cut off Portuguese trade with England 
and annex the country met with some success at the outset. The 
same was true of Spain. The Portuguese royal family fled to Portugal 
their American possessions in Brazil; the Spanish Bourbons 
were forced to abdicate, and their title was conferred upon 
Napoleon's brother Joseph. These were but temporary suc- 
cesses. The English government saw the wisdom of making 
common cause with the Spanish and Portuguese and began 
throwing armies into the peninsula and supplying officers and 
money to the native population, who showed everywhere the 
bitterest hostility to the effort to establish French rule. The Resistance 
French armies were speedily forced out of Portugal. In Spain °* ^^^^ 
the struggle was much more protracted, lasting almost to the 



1 78 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

end of the Napoleonic period. The new king of Spain, however, 
soon abandoned his unwilHng subjects. Although Napoleon 
had set on foot there reforms such as the abolition of the Inqui- 
sition and the equalization of taxation, removing burdens which 
rested most heavily upon the common people, they showed no 
gratitude to their would-be benefactor, but, encouraged by their 
priests, set on foot guerilla warfare throughout the length and 
breadth of the land. Favored by the rugged nature of the 
country, they made it impossible for the French armies to secure 
any permanent foothold or effect any true conquest. Some of 
the best soldiers of the Empire were sacrificed in the vain effort 
to subdue the land and retain its allegiance. Although Napoleon 
never really abandoned the enterprise and even undertook in 
person a campaign in Spain, all his efforts failed to achieve any 
permanent result. The tide had already turned and his power 
The Peninsular was gradually slipping away. This long-drawn-out campaign 
^^^ was known as the Peninsular War.. England sent over some of 

her very best generals, among them Sir Arthur Wellesley, after- 
ward known as the Duke of Wellington. Step by step he over- 
came the almost insurmountable obstacles placed in his path 
by his own '' incompetent government and by jealous, exacting, 
and slipshod allies." 

Although Austria had already been beaten by Napoleon in 
three campaigns, in the spring of 1809 her emperor again deter- 
mined to try issues with Napoleon, seeking to recover the power 
The Revolt and territory which had been ruthlessly taken from him. Devel- 

01 Austria -^ . 

opments in Spain, especially the stubbornness of the resistance 
there, prompted him to the step. Then, too, a new spirit had 
appeared in Austria, the spirit of national opposition. The 
struggle with Napoleon was no longer an affair of the ruler but 
of the people themselves, who began to feel the shame and dis- 
grace of foreign control. At Aspern Napoleon was again vic- 
torious, but this time the Austrians acquitted themselves so well 
that Europe began to think that Napoleon had finally met his 
match. Their hopes were speedily dashed to the ground seven 



THE NAPOLEONIC ERA 179 

weeks later in the battle of Wagram. It was no such decisive Wagram 
conflict as Austerlitz, but Austria made peace, and when, in fur- 
therance of his ambitions for a Napoleonic dynasty, Napoleon 
asked the hand of the Archduchess Marie Louise, the Emperor, 
her father, dared not say him nay. The battle of Wagram, there- 
fore seemed to confirm the impression that Napoleon's hold upon 
Europe was permanent. Before marrying this Austrian princess, Napoleon's 
Napoleon had secured a divorce from the Empress Josephine, ^y'J^^"'^ 
and the episode of his parting with Josephine is perhaps the most and Marriage 
pathetic in his entire career. A son was born to the emperor in 
181 1, who was forthwith crowned King of Rome and was desig- 
nated as the heir to the throne. All Napoleon's hopes seemed 
about to be realized. He had not yet grasped the true signifi- 
cance of the situation in the peninsula. Later in life he acknowl- 
edged that it was the Spanish situation which destroyed him. 
("It was the Spanish ulcer which ruined me.") 

80. The Moscow Campaign and the War of Liberation. — 
There had been for some time signs of disaffection on the part of 
the Tsar. Napoleon had felt it necessary in the Congress of 
Erfurt (1808) to go over some of their differences just before the 
Austrian campaign in order to hold him to his alliance. The Tsar Hostility of 
felt the pressure of the Continental System and began to see *^® ^^^'^ 
that Russia was playing into the hands of Napoleon rather than 
conserving her own interests. He had looked with manifest dis- 
approval upon Napoleon's creation of the Grand Duchy of War- 
saw in 1807 and was fearful of the results for Russian Poland of 
the hopes which Napoleon had held out to the Pohsh nation. 
Finally in 181 2 the break came. Napoleon had long felt its > 
inevitableness, but he thought himself ready to meet it. Gather- 
ing together a vast host which included the veteran forces 
which had served him so splendidly in his earlier campaigns, he 
planned an invasion of Russia which should be carried out with 
all the swiftness and decisiveness of his campaigns in Italy, in 
Germany, and in Austria. He failed, however, to recognize the 
fact that he was now face to face with a veritable giant, so loosely 



l8o ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The Invasion 
of Russia 



Retreat 
from Moscow 



The 

Reawakening 
of Prussia 
and Germany 



organized that any blow which he might deal in one part of its 
frame would scarcely be felt beyond the immediate surface with 
which he came in contact. With his superb army of half a mil- 
lion men he crossed the Russian frontier and marched straight 
on to Moscow. The Russian armies refused battle, faUing back 
before him and laying waste the country as they retreated. 
Napoleon finally reached his goal, but found that his success 
had counted for but little. The Russians not only evacuated 
the city but set it on fire. After spending some time in fruitless 
negotiations and finding no way open to him to bring the Rus- 
sians to terms, as the winter was now coming on, Napoleon 
decided to retreat. It was already October and 700 miles had 
to be covered before the French army would find itself again 
upon friendly soil. The Russian winter was soon upon them in 
all its severity. Then began one of the worst and most disas- 
trous retreats in history. Harassed by the Cossack cavalry, 
benumbed and freezing with the cold, passing through a country 
already ravaged by hostile armies, only a remnant of his forces 
finally found their way back across the frontier. 

Meanwhile Napoleon's former enemies in the West had not 
been idle. The Prussian ministers. Stein and Scharnhorst, 
were statesmen of a different stripe from their faint-hearted 
master, and they had been busy preparing their country for 
a moment like this, when they might engage in battle with 
Napoleon upon a footing of equality. A new spirit had 
laid hold of the Prussian people. They now began to rebel 
against the requisitions made upon them and upon their land 
by their conquerors. Their spirit was shared by the German 
peoples farther west. The yoke of the conqueror had for some 
time borne heavily upon them, and the apathy which they had 
shown heretofore over the changes in their rulers was now 
replaced by eager preparations for their expulsion. This is the 
period made famous by such outbursts of patriotic ardor as 
the poems of Arndt and inspiring hymns like "W^hat is the Ger- 
man's Fatherland?" Patriotic societies, such as the Burschen- 



THE NAPOLEONIC ERA l8l 

schaft, were formed by the students in the universities, who 
pledged themselves to die for king and fatherland. Napo- 
leon's hour had now struck. Western Europe arose under its 
rulers as one man, and Napoleon soon after his return from 
Russia found himself confronted by the armies of Austria, 
Prussia, Spain, and England. Thus began the so-called War 
of Liberation. 

With his characteristic energy he immediately took the field, 
but he had no such troops in these new levies as had followed 
him into the heart of Russia. Nor was Napoleon the same 
energetic, resourceful commander as of yore. He showed more 
irresolution and less of that cool calculation which had secured 
for him his former successes. Although he was successful in 
some of the minor battles which now followed, he met with an 
overwhelming defeat upon the battlefield of Leipsic. This was Leipsic, 
known as the ''battle of the nations, " and one of the results was o^^the^rtlons" 
the carrying of the war into French territory. For the first time 
in many years invading armies camped upon French soil. 
Napoleon put forth superhuman efforts to stem the tide, but 
he was finally forced to sign his abdication at Fontainebleau Abdication 
and was assigned the island of Elba as his principality with the °^ Napoleon 
title of Emperor and an annual income of 2,000,000 francs. 
The exiled Bourbons were immediately restored in the person 
of a younger brother of the dead Louis XVI, who took the title 
of Louis XVIII. A general European Congress was also called Congress of 
to straighten out the various tangles resulting from Napoleon's ^*®°^ 
transformation of Europe (The Congress of Vienna). 

81. The Hundred Days and Waterloo. — Napoleon was not 
content to settle down in his new sovereignty. Discontent in 
France and reports of a lack of harmony between the states 
represented at Vienna seemed to present the opportunity for 
which he was waiting. On Feb. 25, 181 5, he made his escape 
to France, and from the moment of his landing he was received 
with the same wild enthusiasm which had marked his return 
from Egypt years before. A force of soldiers sent out to capture 



1 82 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Waterloo 



Exile to 
St. Helena 



Napoleon's him threw down their arms at the sight of the Little Corporal, 

Eib^" ^""^ ^s ^^ "^^^ affectionately called, and followed in his train. The 

peasant population also accorded him a warm welcome. King 

Louis XVIII fled at the news of his reception, and again Europe 

took up arms against its former master. 

The struggle was waged upon the plains of Belgium, and there 
the issue was decided. Napoleon's army engaged the forces of 
the English and Prussians under the command of Wellington 
and Bliicher at Waterloo. The battle raged from noon until 
late in the evening. The timely arrival of the Prussian army 
upon the battle-field where the English forces had long and 
bravely borne the shock of the French attack turned the tide 
of battle, and Napoleon left Waterloo a defeated and van- 
quished man. He had played his last card and lost. He threw 
. himself upon the generosity of the English, thinking perhaps to 
find a refuge in that land of exiles. He was condemned instead 
to life imprisonment upon the island of St. Helena, and there 
he worried out his remaining years, dying on the 5th of May, 
1821. 

82. The Congress of Vienna and the Reconstruction of 
Europe. — Meanwhile the nations which had defeated Napoleon, 
in the persons of their rulers and representatives, were wrestling 
in the Congress at Vienna with the problems involved in the 
reconstruction of Europe. The dominant powers wxre England, 
Russia, Austria, and Prussia. France also had her representative 
there in the person of Talleyrand, probably the most able diplo- 
mat of his time. He had already seen many years of service 
under various masters, including Napoleon himself. Several 
Objects sought objects wcrc sought in the arrangements which were made. 
The first was to thoroughly curb France and to hold her in check 
by strengthening the states upon her northern frontiers. This 
was accomplished by uniting Holland and Belgium into a single 
state and by estabhshing Prussia again in the control of her 
Rhenish provinces. The boundaries of France were reduced 
to those which she possessed before the outbreak of the Revolu- 



The Great 
Powers 



Boundaries 
of France 



THE NAPOLEONIC ERA 



183 



tion. Great difficulties were encountered in adjusting the 

claims of Prussia and Austria. In settling their differences 

the boundaries of the two states were somewhat changed 

from what they had been in 1789. The Prussian territories Arrangements 

were more consolidated and Austria was given more of an ^'^^ Germany 




On the Way to St. Helena 

This picture shows Napoleon on the English ship Bellerophon on his way 
to St. Helena, where he was banished by the English government in 181 5. 

outlet upon the Adriatic. The various states of Germany were 
brought together in a loose confederation under the leader- 
ship of Austria and Prussia, and Italy was again restored to 
approximately the condition in which it had been at the outbreak 
of the Revolution. Like Germany, it was merely "a geograph- 
ical expression." The hopes of a united country which had Italy 
been aroused in the breasts of German patriots were cruelly 
shattered. The Italians had already experienced keen disap- 
pointment when Napoleon, at the outset of his career, had 



1 84 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Norway 
and Sweden 



Colonial 
Changes 



Dissatisfaction 
with the Work 
of the Congress 



failed to fulfill their expectations of a united kingdom. These 
arrangements therefore did not come home to them with the 
same force as was the case with the people of Germany. The 
two Scandinavian states of Norway and Sweden were united 
under the king of Sweden, a step comparable to that taken with 
Holland and Belgium, but not carried out with the same ob- 
ject. Norway had been taken from Denmark as the penalty for 
the latter's loyalty to Napoleon and was united with Sweden 
to compensate the Northern kingdom for the loss of Finland. 
England received or was confirmed in the possession of certain 
colonial territories which had been seized in the long struggle 
with France, notably Malta, the Ionian Islands, Cape Colony, 
Ceylon, British Guiana, and the Isle de France. Her gains 
seemed quite inadequate to the sacrifices which she had made, 
but are to be explained partly by the crusade in England against 
the slave trade, which had so gripped the people that the 
English representatives were instructed to secure certain agree- 
ments from the states of Europe directed against this nefarious 
trafiic. 

The arrangements made at Vienna were a disappointment 
to those who had contributed most to the overthrow of Napoleon 
— the people themselves. Entirely ignored were the aspirations 
of the nations themselves or the liberal ideas which had been 
spread broadcast throughout Europe as the result of the French 
Revolution. The supreme thought in the minds of the actors 
at Vienna was to place Europe back where it had been before it 
was inoculated with the terrible germ of revolution. The era 
which opened marked therefore a decided reaction from the 
progress which had been so characteristic of the preceding 
years. The territorial arrangements of the Congress, however, 
proved far more lasting than their efforts to efface the remem- 
brance of the glorious days when liberty and equality had been 
the watchword of all western Europe. With the exception of 
the formation of the kingdom of Italy and the German Empire, 
and the separation of Belgium and Holland, it has been only 



THE NAPOLEONIC ERA 



185 




1 86 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

within our own day that these territorial arrangements have 
been seriously modified. 



SUGGESTIVE TOPICS AND QUESTIONS FOR 
FURTHER STUDY 

I. Describe Bonaparte's life before the Revolution. 2. Give an account 
of his services to the Convention at Toulon and at Paris. 3. Make a careful 
study of Bonaparte's campaign in Italy in 1796; in 1800. 4. State and 
discuss the terms of the Treaty of Campo Formio. 5 . Give an account of his 
Egyptian and Syrian campaigns. 6. Describe the events connected with 
the coup d'etat of the i8th Brumaire. 7. Describe the constitution of the 
Consulate. 8. Discuss the execution of the Due d'Enghien. 9. Describe 
the naval operations which led to the battle of Trafalgar. 10. Describe 
the campaign of Austerlitz. 11. Discuss Napoleon's policy from 1806 to 
1808. 12. Discuss the second marriage of Napoleon. 13. Describe the 
War of Liberation in Germany. 14. Describe the resistance of Spain. 
15. Describe Napoleon's life on St, Helena. 

Collateral Reading 

I, Napoleon's Life before the French Revolution. 

Johnston, Napoleon, pp. i-ii. Fournier (Bourne), Napoleon, 
PP- i~37- Fisher, Napoleon, pp. 7-22. Rose, Life of Napo- 
leon I, Vol. I, pp. 1-39. 

II. His Services at Toulon and at Paris. 

Johnston, pp. 14-25. Fournier, pp. 38-60. Fisher, pp. 22-8. 
Rose, Vol. I, pp. 40-69. 

III. Josephine. 

Fournier, pp. 60-71. 

IV. The Italian Campaign. 

Plunket, , Fall of the Old Order, pp. 128-35. Johnston, 
pp. 27-39. Fournier, pp. 72-108. Fisher, pp. 28-56. Rose, 
Vol. I, pp. 70-127. Jefifery, The New Europe, pp. 49-52. 
V. Campo Formio. 

Johnston, pp. 41-7. Fournier, pp. 108-10. Rose, Vol. I, 
pp. 128-58. 
VI. Egyptian and Syrian Campaigns. 

Johnston, pp. 47-57. Fouriyer, pp. 1 11-53. Fisher, pp. 56-72. 
Rose, Vol. I, pp. 159-97. Plunket, pp. 14 1-3. 

VII. The Coup d'Etat and the Consulate. 

Johnston, pp. 59-78. Fournier, pp. 154-88. Fisher, pp. 73-97. 
Rose, Vol. I, pp. 198-220, 245-78. Plunket, pp. 148-61. 

VIII. Marengo, Luneville, and Amiens. 

Johnston, pp. 79-87, 111-12. Fournier, pp. 188-220. Fisher, pp. 
97-1 1 1. Rose, Vol. I, pp. 221-44, 306-28. Jeffery, pp. 57-61. 



THE NAPOLEONIC ERA 187 

IX. The First Empire and its Organization. 

Johnston, pp. 88-111. Fournier, pp. 221-82. Fisher, pp. 119- 
25, 153-68. Rose, Vol. I, pp. 279-305, 329-56, 412-44. 
X. War of 1805. 

Johnston, pp. 11 1-29. Fournier, pp. 283-324. Fisher, pp. 119- 
46. Rose, Vol. I, pp. 445-68; Vol. II, pp. 1-72. Jeflfery, 
pp. 92-8. 
XI. War with Prussia and Russia; Tilsit. 

Johnston, pp. 130-47- Fournier, pp. 325-90. Fisher, pp. 146-53. 
Rose, Vol. II, pp. 73-94, 99-145. 
XII. The Continental System. 

Cambridge Modern History, Vol. IX, Napoleon, pp. 361-89. 

XIII. The Empire at its Height. 

Fournier, pp. 493-535- Fisher, pp. 153-68. Rose, Vol. II, 
pp. 192-212. 

XIV. Campaign in Russia. 

Johnston, pp. 174-87- Fournier, pp. 536-79. Rose, Vol. II, 
pp. 213-45. Plunket, pp. 202-6. Jeffery, pp. 131-6. 
XV. The German War of Liberation. 

Johnston, pp. 189-95. Fournier, pp. 580-642. Rose, Vol. II, 
PP- 303-38. Jeffery, pp. 136-41. 
XVI. Waterloo. 

Johnston, pp. 223-34. Fournier, pp. 694-720. Rose, Vol. II, 
pp. 417-71. Fisher, pp. 217-38. Plunket, pp. 216-30. Jeffery, 
pp. 145-7. 
XVII. St. Helena and the Close of Napoleon's Life. 

Johnston, pp. 234-7. Fournier, pp. 721-43. Rose, Vol. II, 
pp. 472-529. 

Source Studies 

1. How Napoleon learned French. Robinson and Beard, Readings in 

Modern European History, Vol. I, p. 309. 

2. Napoleon's insight into character. Ibid., pp. 310-2. 

3. The ItaKan campaign. Ibid., p^. 7,12-6. 

4. Treaty of Campo Formio. Ibid., pp. 316-8. 

5. Egyptian campaign. Ibid., pp. 318-21. Colby, Selections from the 

Sources of Enghsh History, pp. 281-3. 

6. The Coup d'Etat. Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 322-3. 

7. Napoleon's manners and traits. Ibid., pp. 324-6. 

8. Marengo. Ibid., pp. 326-8. 

9. Treaty of LuneviUe. Ibid., pp. 329-32. 

10. Internal affairs in France in 1804. Ibid., pp. 334-7. 

11. Trafalgar. Tuell and Hatch, Readings in Enghsh History, pp. 366-9. 

12. Nelson. Cheyney, Readings in Enghsh History, pp. 655-7. 

13. Destruction of the Holy Roman Empire. Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, 

pp. 340-5. 



1 88 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

14. Continental system. Ibid., pp. 345-50. Colby, pp. 289-92. 

15. Napoleon's ideal of empire. Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 351-2, 

355-6. 

16. Reforms in Prussia. Ibid., pp. 361-5. 

17. Peninsular campaign. Colby, pp. 292-5. 

18. Abdication of Napoleon. Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 366-7. 

19. Wellington. Cheyney, pp. 657-61. 

20. English feeling toward Napoleon after Waterloo. Ibid., pp. 660-2. 

Colby, pp. 296-8. 

21. Napoleon in exile. Robinson and Beard, Vol. I, pp. 368-71. 

22. Louis Napoleon's view of Napoleon I's ideals. Robinson and Beard, 

Vol. II, pp. 84-7. 

Suggestions for Map Work 

I. On an outline map of central Europe show the territorial arrange- 
ments in Italy before Napoleon's conquests, and the campaigns of 1 796-1 805; 
2. Show Napoleon's campaign in Egypt and Syria. 3. Show the treaty 
adjustments of the Treaty of Campo Formio. 4. Show the territorial arrange- 
ments of the Peace of Luneville. 5. On an outline map of Europe show 
Napoleon's empire at its widest extent. 6. Show the territorial arrange- 
ments after the downfall of Napoleon. 

Map References 

Shepherd, Historical Atlas. Holt. Napoleon's campaigns in Egypt, 
p. 150. Napoleon's campaigns in northern Italy, p. 150. Germany and Italy 
in 1803, p. 151. Germany and Italy in 1806, p. 151. Treaty adjustments of 
1811-12, p. 152. Principal seats of war, 1788-1815, p. 153. Napoleon's 
campaign in Russia, p. 153. Central Europe in 181 2, pp. 154-5. Europe in 
1812, p. 154. India and South Africa, 1801-12: Treaty adjustments, p. 152. 
The Waterloo campaign, p. 156. Treaty adjustments, 1814-5, p. 157. 

Dow, Atlas of European History. Holt. Italy, 1798-99, p. 25. Europe 
in 1810, p. 26. Germany in 1803, p. 26. Germany in 1806, p. 26. Ger- 
many from 1807 to 1809, p. 26 ^ Italy in 1806, p. 26 ^ Europe after the 
settlements of 1815, p. 27. 

Muir, School Atlas. Holt. The battle-fields of northern Italy, p. xvi. 
Plan of the battle of the Nile, p. xxiii. Plan of the battle of Austerlitz, 
p. xii. British naval wars (Trafalgar), p. 48; p. xxiv. Plan of the battle of 
Jena, p. xiii. Europe under Napoleon, 1810, p. 9. Plan of the battle of 
Leipzig,' p. xiii. Plan of the battle of Waterloo, p. xiv. Europe in 181 5, 
p. 10. 

GsLTdiner, Atlas of English History. Longmans. North Italy and Swit- 
zerland, 1796-1805, p. 53. India, 1804, p. 54. Central Europe to illustrate 
Napoleon's campaigns, p. 55. Peninsular War, p. 56. Central and Western 
Europe, April 1812, p. 57. Napoleon's Russian campaign, 1812, p. 58. Cen- 
tral and Western Europe, 181 5, p. 59. Battle of the Nile, p. 82. Battle of 



THE NAPOLEONIC ERA 189 

Trafalgar, p. 84. The Waterloo Campaign, p. '85. The battle of Waterloo 
(two maps), 86-7. 

Robertson-Bartholomew, Historical Atlas of Modern Europe. Oxford 
Press. France, 1810, No. 8. Germany, 1810, No. 12. Prussia, 1807, No. 14. 
Italy, 1810, No. 16. Ottoman Empire and the Balkans, 1789-1815, N0.22. 
The Baltic, 1 789-1914, No. 31. 

Bibliography 

Cambridge Modern History. Volume IX, Napoleon. Macmillan. 
Channing. (The American Nation Series.) The Jeffersonian System. 

Harper. 
Cheyney. Readings in English History. Ginn. 
Colby. Selections from the Sources of English History. Longmans. 
Cross. History of England and Greater Britain. Macmillan. 
Day. History of Commerce. Longmans. 
Fisher. Napoleon. Holt. 
Fournier. (Bourne) Napoleon. Holt. 
Fyffe. History of Modern Europe. Holt. 
Grant. A History of Europe. Longmans. 
Hannay. The Navy and Sea Power. Holt. 
HassaU. The Making of the British Empire. Scribner. 
Hayes. The Social and Political History of Modern Europe. Volume I. 

Macmillan. 
Henderson. A Short History of Germany. Two volumes in one. Macmillan. 
Howard. The German Empire. Macmillan. 
Jeffery. New Europe, lySg-iSSg. Houghton Mifflin. 
Johnston. Napoleon. Holt. 

Plunket. Fall of the Old Order. Oxford University Press. 
Priest. Germany since 1740. Ginn. 
Robinson and Beard. Readitigs in Modern European History. Volume I. 

and II. Ginn. 
Rose. The Life of Napoleon I. Two volumes in one. Macmillan. 
Rose. The Revolutionary and Napoleonic Era. Putnam. 
Seignobos. History of Contemporary Civilization. Scribner. 
Stephens. Revolutionary Europe. Rivingtons. 
TraiU. Social England. Volume V, Section II, pp. 497-514, 703-715. 

Putnam. 
Tuell and Hatch. Readings in English History. Ginn. 
Van Bergen. The Story of Russia. American Book Company. 
Webster. General History of Commerce. Ginn. 



The Open- 
field System 



Gradual 
Breakdown of 
the Manorial 
System: 
Enclosures 



CHAPTER VII 
THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 

83. The Old Manorial System of Agriculture and its 
Defects. — While the continent of Europe was being trans- 
formed both socially and politically under the influences of the 
French Revolution, changes no less radical were taking place in 
England. At one and the same time agriculture and industry 
were undergoing changes which in the course of time were to 
produce a deep impress upon the life of Europe. Before the 
eighteenth century, agricultural methods had changed but little 
since the middle ages, when the lands of western European 
countries were divided into the great manors, or estates, on 
which the peasant cultivated the fields for the lords of the manor. 
This method of farming was known as the open-field system. 
The manor was divided into strips of land, each, roughly speak- 
ing, the amount that a team could plough in a day. These strips 
were divided one from another by narrow grass paths called 
balks. At first each field was cultivated every year, but, as 
this exhausted the soil, a system was adopted by which two 
fields were cultivated in any one year and one field lay fallow. 
The manors themselves, however, had disappeared in many 
instances. This was essentially the case in England, where the 
feudal system disappeared much earlier than upon the continent. 

One of the principal causes for the breakdown of the manorial 
system in England was the growth of enclosures. As early as 
the 13th century, the lords began the practice of enclosing, for 
private hunting preserves, and later for sheep pastures, all 
pastures and woods not actually in use by their tenants. Un- 
scrupulous landlords often seized fair fields from their peasant 



THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 191 

cultivators and evicted the latter. Others consolidated their 
holdings by exchanging those strips that lay far from the manor 
house for those that lay nearby. Nearly all these enclosures 
were used as sheep pastures. Towards the close of the fif- 
teenth century a new kind of enclosure was in progress by 
which ambitious farmers sought to improve the arable land. In 
these cases " convertible industry," as it was called, took the 
place of the old threefold rotation of crops. Under this 
system "pasture land was broken up at intervals by the 
plough and converted into arable, while the existing arable was 
rested as pasture." 

The growth of enclosures during the fifteenth, sixteenth, and Conditions 
seventeenth centuries was steady. At the beginning of the ** *^® Opening 
eighteenth century it is estimated that two fifths of the arable Eighteenth 
land of England was enclosed and that about half of the total ^^^^^^ 
area was cultivated. The remainder was still spread out in 
open fields, or in swamp land or thicket. On these a large 
number of people dragged out a miserable existence by living 
on the produce of a few cows or sheep. The lack of hedges or 
fences in these open fields 
was detrimental to the 
crops, which were too often 
exposed to the full sweep of 
destructive winds. Barley 




was still the chief grain pro- 
duced, but oats, wheat, and 
rye were also staple crops. "^ •- '"* <=* ^ ^^^^^^^ Crops 

No little hemip and flax were 

11., Farm Implements of the i8th 

grown, and when the seven- Century 

teenth century closed a be- 
ginning had been made in the cultivation of potatoes, clover, 
and turnips. There was already foreshadowed that greater 
knowledge of animal raising which characterized the agricul- Farm 
tural revolution of the eighteenth century. The farm laborer i^^pI^™^'^*^ 
had a few implements which were better than his predecessor 



192 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

under serfdom had known, among them the wheel plough, drills 
for sowing, and a cart with very high wheels. Other imple- 
ments in use were sickles, scythes, pitchforks, rakes, flails, and 
spades. 

84. Improvements in Methods of Tillage. — In 1733 there 
was published in England an epoch-making book on Husbandry 

jethro TuU or agriculture, written by Jethro TulL It is said that he so far 
lost patience with his hired help that he set about devising ways 
and means of dispensing with their services and replacing them 
with various labor-saving devices. Be that as it may, his 
suggestions and improvements were so well received that he 
has been given the credit of having improved agriculture more 
than any other one person. Realizing that vegetables grew 
better if the ground was thoroughly pulverized before and after 
planting the seed, he devised a system of drilling the seed in 
rows far enough apart to permit of cultivation between them 

The Horse Hoe with a horsc hoe or cultivating plough. To further this system of 

and Drui planting he invented a drill, or planting machine, which sowed 

a field more uniformly than the old method of hand-scattering, 
at the same time using less seed to the acre. Tull's severe 
criticism of the laziness and lack of responsibility shown by the 
landlords of his day undoubtedly was one of the causes of the 
change which took place in the eighteenth century by which 
farming became the fashion for gentlemen. Another was the 
interest shown by the Whigs in agriculture in the eighteenth 
century. This interest influenced profoundly the political de- 
velopment of England in the century when the future history of 
English-speaking peoples everywhere was being shaped. 

" Turnip " In the same decade Charles Townshend, a brother-in-law of 

Walpole, retired from politics to his farm in Norfolk and began 
the study of scientific agriculture, with such far-reaching effects 
upon that branch of industry in England, that Arthur Young, 
another Englishman of a generation later, could say "Half the 
County of Norfolk within the memory of man yielded nothing 
but sheep feed, whereas those very tracts of land are now covered 



Townshend 



THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 193 

with as fine barley and rye as any in the world, and great quanti- 
ties of wheat besides." His two interests were the field cultiva- 
tion of turnips and an improved rotation of crops. He was so 
enthusiastic about the former that he was nicknamed "Turnip 
Townshend." He started the Norfolk, or four-course system of 
rotation of crops, alternating roots, grasses, and grains, such as Rotation 
turnips, barley, clover and rye grass, and wheat; encouraged ° ^°^^ 
the use of fertiHzers in the soil; and adopted Tull's system of 
drilling and horse hoeing turnips. Other landlords followed 
his example, which resulted in a complete revolution in agricul- 
tural crops, methods, and implements. 

According to Arthur Young, the principal improvements in Arthur Young 
agriculture in the first half of the eighteenth century were a bet- 
ter knowledge of the rotation of crops in order to increase the 
fertility of the soil and to prevent its exhaustion; the use of 
covered drains and the irrigation of meadows; the use of arti- 
ficial as well as an increased use of natural fertilizers; the intro- 
duction of new food crops, as rye, beans, turnips and potatoes; 
and the invention of such useful implements as the drill, the 
horse hoe, and better harness. In 1793 Young was made 
Secretary of the newly formed Board of Agriculture, which 
had been established by the younger Pitt, and his investiga- 
tions and writings did much to further the progress of this 
industry. 

Side by side with an improvement in agricultural products improvements 
there went on an important series of investigations into the sheep Breeding 
production of finer specimens of animals. Robert Bakewell 
(172 5- 179 5) did more to improve live-stock than any other man. Robert 
He rejected the accepted theory that the blood must be varied ^^^^^^ 
by the mixture of breeds. Just as Luther Burbank today in 
our own country has produced some wonderful fruits and flowers 
by experimenting with the process of reproduction, so Bakewell 
mated the best and sturdiest animals, those possessing to the 
fullest degree the qualities he wished to reproduce and intensify 
in their offspring, even though closely related. In this way he 



194 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

produced the Leicester breed of sheep, which in fifty years spread 
over every part of the civilized world and doubled the amount 

Sheep of mutton on the tables of Englishmen. This breed is described 

as having a clean-cut head, broad and flat back, barrel-shaped 
body, thin feet, flesh fat, fine-grained, and well-flavored, heavy 
and soft wool, and nearly double the weight of the varieties of 
his day. Bake well also improved the famous longhorn breed 

The Longhorns of COWS of the Midlands. The new longhorn breed was a very 
heavy animal and a good beef producer, but died out after a 
time because it did not produce as much milk as other varieties. 
Bakewell's principles are still accepted as sound in animal breed- 
ing and have led to the production of the various "thorough- 
bred " stocks of animals. 

Coke of 85. The Revolution in Agriculture. — About the time of the 

American Revolution, Coke of Holkham began his work on an 
estate where, as old Lady Townshend remarked, ''All you will 
see will be one blade of grass and two rabbits fighting for that." 
By adopting the methods of TuU and Townshend and by dis- 
covering the principle that some grass seeds were better adapted 
for certain kinds of soil than other kinds, he raised larger crops 
and made many pieces of what had hitherto been waste land 
into rich pastures. He was largely responsible for the increased 
production of potatoes and for the improvement and increase 
in the varieties of grass seeds. Following in the footsteps of 
Bakewell, he also improved several species of animals. Through 
his efforts 2,000,000 acres of waste land in England were brought 
under the plough, and no other man was so instrumental in 
rendering England self-supporting during the terrible era of war. 

Consolidation The improved methods of farming gave a great stimulus to 
ma arms ^^^ consolidation of small farms into large estates and to the 
enclosure of what had formerly been waste land, but which was 
now rendered productive. We have seen that these improve- 
ments were largely the work of rich land-owners, such as Tull, 
Townshend, Bakewell, and Coke. Over 3,500,000 acres were 
enclosed during the eighteenth century. Agriculture became 



THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 195 

"capitalistic," that is, large amounts of capital and land were 
required for its successful operation. This led to the extinction 
of the yeoman or small farmer, who had been the backbone of Disappearance 
Enghsh society in former centuries. The classes of the agricul- °*"^®o™^° 
tural population became sharply differentiated into landlords, 
tenants, and laborers. The first held great estates, consisting 
of numerous small farms which had been consolidated. The 
tenants rented these farms of the landlord and employed 
laborers to cultivate them. England became a great agricultural 
nation and thus was self-supporting during the long and terrible 
wars of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. By the middle 
of the eighteenth century the landlords were the dominant force 
in parliament, and by placing duties on the importation 
of foreign corn and bounties on the export of Enghsh, they 
safeguarded the interests of the agriculturist. " Farming be- 
came the reigning taste of the day." George III delighted in 
the title of Farmer George and wrote on agriculture. 

86. The Nature of the Industrial Revolution. — Closely con- Relation 
nected with these changes in agriculture was the so-called J*®*^^®" , ^ 

^ ^ the Revolution 

Industrial Revolution. The one was really dependent upon in Agriculture 
the other, as a greater industrial population called for a larger food *^^j *^,** 
supply, and improved farm machinery made possible larger and 
better crops to meet this need. We have seen that the original The Domestic 
system of manufacture, in which the workman owned the raw ^^ ^^ 
material and carried through all the processes of his trade, had 
been changed by the introduction of the clothiers or merchant 
clothiers (sec. 17), who assembled a number of workmen in 
some one locality and supervised their work. Yet the distinc- 
tive feature of manufacturing before the invention of time- and 
labor-saving machines was that all the workers were obliged to 
do a certain amount of farming in the cultivation of their home 
plots of ground. According to Defoe (sec. 17), the workmen Advantages of 
under the domestic system led fairly happy lives. Commer- g^^gtf^™^^"*^ 
cial panics were almost unknown; work was regular; the market 
was steady; closer and more friendly relations prevailed between 



196 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 




Spinning 
by Distaff 
and Spindle 



employer and employee than are usually found today; and, 

while there was less total wealth in 
the country and hence fewer of the 
luxuries and conveniences which we 
now have, in the eighteenth century 
the wealth was more evenly divided 
among all classes. The current of 
Hfe moved slower; people did things 
more leisurely. 

All this was changed by the Indus- 
trial Revolution, the name which has 
been given to the tremendous changes 
wrought by new inventions and im- 
proved processes, the use of steam 
power, the perfection of the means 
of transportation, and the factory 
system, which now replaced this do- 
mestic system with its peculiar ad- 
vantages. There is neither time nor 
space to study the inventions in all 
fields of industry which revolution- 
ized production and influenced his- 
tory quite as fundamentally as the 
work of the statesmen and warriors 
of the same era. 

87. The Revolution in the Manu- 
facture of Textiles. — The changes 
in the manufacture of textiles will 
illustrate what the industrial revolu- 
tion meant in improved methods and 
a better product. The dawn of in- 
vention in this line found men mak- 
ing cloth substantially as it had been 
made from the most primitive times. 

The earliest device for spinning was the distaff and spindle. 



The Spinning Wheel 

About the time of Queen 
Elizabeth, the spinning wheel 
was introduced into general 
use in England. At first, this 
device for spinning was very 
much like the one shown in 
this illustration. The spin- 
ner, seated in front, held in his 
lap a "bat" or roll of wool, 
which had previously been 
"carded" or combed out so 
that the fibres lay in the same 
direction. He then twisted 
the end fibres on to the spin- 
dle (s). Next he turned the 
wheel (ic) with his hand. The 
string or belt (b, b) caused 
the spindle to revolve as the 
wheel turned, winding up the 
"roving" or twisted fibres. 
With his other hand, the 
spinner twisted the fibres out 
of the "bat" to form the 
"roving." In the eighteenth 
century, a foot treadle to 
turn the wheel and another 
spindle were added, thus en- 
abling the spinner to twist two 
threads, one with each hand. 



THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 



197 



A great step in advance had been made in very early times 
through the invention of the spinning wheel, in which the spin- 
dle was rotated by a wheel, 
turned by hand or by a 
foot treadle. But with 
this machine the spinning 
process remained station- 
ary until about 1764, when 
James Hargreaves invented 
a machine known as the 
spinning jenny, in which 




Hargreaves's Spinning Jenny 



James 
Hargreaves 
and the Spin- 
ning Jenny 



the wheel rotated a number of spindles simultaneously. Thus 
by the same operator at first eight and, after improvements had 
been made in the machine, eighty threads could be spun at the 
same time. 

In 1769 Richard Arkwright, an Enghsh barber, patented a Arkwright's 
machine containing two sets of rollers placed somewhat apart ^^^^' ^^^^^ 
from each other. One set of rollers was rotated at a higher 
speed than the other, and as the woollen fibre, or roving, was 

drawn through both sets of 
rollers, in passing through 
the swifter pair it was 
stretched out to the requi- 
site fineness. Arkwright 
applied water power to 
drive his machine and thus 
made it profitable to collect 
together a number of spin- 
ning machines in one build- 
ing or factory, where that 
power could be more eco- 
nomically used to drive them all. In this manner he became 
the founder of the factory system of industry. Arkwright's ma- 
chine was improved by combining its essential features with 
Hargreaves's spindle machine, or jenny. This invention, known 




Arkwright's Spinning Fraaie 



198 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Crompton's 
Mule 



Older Method 
of Weaving 




Crompton's Mule 



as the "mule," was invented by Crompton in 1779, and super- 
seded Arkwright's device. 
The enormously increased production of thread was made 

imperative because of im- 
provements in the process of 
weaving. Until 1733 cloth 
had been woven in much the 
same manner as the little rugs 
are woven everywhere today 
by the children in our elemen- 
tary schools in their courses 
in manual training. The 

process of interlacing the cross-threads, or weft, between the 

threads of the warp was accomplished slowly, with the shuttle 

or needle held in the hand of the operator. In the year men- 
Kay's Shuttle tioned a North of 

England weaver 

named Kay devised 

an attachment to 

the loom in which 

the shuttle was 

driven back and 

forth through the 

warp by means of 

a lever controlled 

by the operator. 

This flying shuttle 

enormously in- 
creased the speed 

of the weaving 




Whitney's Cotton Gin 
In this first model of the cotton gin, note the cyl- 



Drocess and so fur- i^^^^ studded with nails; the teeth against which 
"^ these nails impinge. The power was applied by 

nished a demand the crank. 

for a greater sup- 
ply of thread. This demand turned the minds of Hargreaves, 
Arwkright, and Crompton toward the improvement of spin- 



THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 



199 



Power Loom 



Eli Whitney's 
Cotton Gin 



ning, as described above. As inventions in the field of spinning 
multiplied, the production of yarn soon outdistanced the 
capacity of the hand-looms until 1785, when a clergyman 
named Edmund Cartwright patented a loom whose action was Cartwright's 
entirely automatic and driven by power. 

Up to this time the production of cotton cloth in England 
was meagre, owing to the high cost of preparing cotton-wool 
for spinning. In the cotton 
plant the fibres are matted 
around the seeds, and but five 
pounds of the raw cotton could 
be laboriously cleaned of the 
seeds in a day by a workman. 
In 1792 Eli Whitney, a Con- 
necticut school teacher, while 
visiting in Georgia invented a 
machine, which he named an 
engine, or gin, for shredding 
the fibres loose from the seed% 
This increased by two hundred 
per cent the production of the 
raw material for cotton cloth, 
and America now took the 
lead as the cotton-producing 
country. 

Prior to this time, most of 
the cotton cloth used in Europe 
had been very expensive, as it 

was necessary to import it from India, whence the name calicao, 
or calico, from the city of Calicut. French artisans had colored 
the calico with designs inked on by hand with wooden blocks. 
Before treating the cloth thus, it was necessary to bleach it by 
spreading it out on the grass, or at least exposing it to the 
sun's rays, for several months. It was now discovered that Use of 
chlorine would bleach the fabric in a few days and that the ^^^^^^^^ 




Eli Whitney 

Eli Whitney, the inventor of the 
cotton gin, a Yale graduate, spent 
some time on a cotton plantation 
on the Savannah River, where he in- 
vented the cotton gin. He later re- 
moved to New Haven and engaged 
in the manufacture of fire-arms. 



200 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Printing 

by Machinery 



Charcoal 
Smelting 



Use of Coal 



Smeaton's 
Blast Furnace 



Process 
in Steel 
Manufacture : 
Darby 



cloth could be printed by running it through inked rollers, an 
invention which was prophetic of our great newspaper presses 
of today. For all these reasons the production of woollen and 
cotton fabrics was enormously increased. 

88. Improvements in the Iron Industry and in Pottery. — 
The iron industry was revolutionized in a similar manner. 
Before the use of coal, iron smelting was accomplished by 
heating it with charcoal under the blast from a large bellows 
worked by hand. To smelt a ton of iron required two loads 
of charcoal. As each load of charcoal called for two tons of 
wood to produce it, the smelting industry was limited by the 
wood supply and was carried on at small forges chiefly in the 
south of England. Coal had been mined for hundreds of years, 
but the process of smelting by coal did not become available 
until 1750. 

In 1760 Smeaton invented the blast furnace, in which air is 
forced into the fire by a cylindrical blower, instead of by the 
clumsy bellows, and in 1790 steam power, another cause of this 
industrial transformation, was ajiplied to drive the blast. In 
this interval the production of iron was quadrupled, and a 
process was invented for working the iron into bars by the use 
of rollers instead of forge hammers. Wrought iron is tougher 
than cast iron because the carbon and other impurities found 
in the latter have been burned off, but it lacks the hardness 
which makes it capable of cutting and shaping nearly every 
other known material. The discovery of such a material, at 
once able to cut and shape itself as well, was an important step 
in the progress of civilization. This material, steel, was known 
and valued for centuries before it became possible to produce 
it in sufficient quantities for commercial purposes. Steel was 
first made by heating wrought iron in contact with charcoal 
until it had absorbed about one per cent of carbon. This proc- 
ess was first attempted on a commercial scale by Darby, who 
threw bags of nearly pure carbon into the molten iron and 
stirred the mass until the iron absorbed the carbon and steel 



THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 



201 



was produced. It was not until the nineteenth century, how- 
ever, that by the Bessemer, and later the Siemens-Martin, 
processes steel could be produced at such a low cost that it 
became the foundation metal for a multitude of operations. 

About the middle of the eighteenth century a great impetus 
was also given the china 
and earthenware trade. 
This may be credited in 
large measure to Josiah 
Wedgwood, who was the 
creator of English pot- 
tery as a fine art. He 
greatly refined the mate- 
rial used and invented a 
beautiful cream-colored 
porcelain, which was 
called Queen's Ware after 
Queen Charlotte, who 
aided the inventor and 
made his .ware popular. 
Factories sprang up in 
other parts of England, 
and to this day England 
has maintained the lead- 
ership in certain forms 
of china and earthenware. 

89. The Steam Engine 
and its Application to 
Industry. — The discov- 




DlAGRAM OF NeWCOMEN'S EnGINE 

Steam was admitted to the cylinder 
through a valve in the boiler, and the piston 
was forced up. Then the steam valve was 
shut and a jet of cold water was admitted 
to the cylinder through another valve, con- 
densing the steam and creating a vacuum. 
Consequently the piston was forced down 
by the pressure of the atmosphere. The up 
and down motion of the piston raised and 
lowered the pivoted beam, which in turn 
raised and lowered the pump. 



ery that steam will act as a motive power has been claimed 
by many people, but the practical application of steam to 
a machine which furnished motive power was not made until 
the close of the seventeenth century (1698). By the condensa- 
tion of steam in a closed chamber, a vacuum was produced 
whose force was used to raise water from one level to another. 



Josiah 
Wedgwood 



Queen's Ware 



202 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



This method was employed to rid mines of water. In 1705 

Newcomen Newcomen improved upon this device and thereby gave a 

greater impetus to the mining industry. He made provision 

for attaching the 
upper portion of the 
piston to one end of a 
pivoted beam, at the 
other end of which 
was the piston of a 
pump. The up and 
down movement of 
the piston of the cyl- 
inder gave a corre- 
sponding down and 
up movement to that 
of the pump. (See 
diagram p. 201.) 

The next advance 
was made by James 
Watt's Engine Instead of leavine one end of the cylinder Watt, whose inven- 
tions mark a new era 
in the development of 
steam power. Exam- 
ining Newcomen's en- 
gine, he was impressed 
with the great waste 
caused by the neces- 
sity of cooling the 
cylinder after every 
upward stroke in or- 




DiAGRAM OF Watt's Engine 

Instead of leaving one end of the cylinder 
open, as Newcomen had done, in order that the 
pressure of the atmosphere might push down 
the piston head, Watt closed both ends of the 
cylinder. By means of a pair of steam and 
exhaust valves at each end of the cylinder, 
steam was automatically admitted first into 
one end of the cylinder and then into the other, 
thus moving the piston up and down. He 
further added the throttle valve /, for regulat- 
ing the rate of admission of steam, and the re- 
volving balls, or governor g, to control the 
speed of the engine, thus making it entirely 
automatic and insuring the regularity of its 
motion. 



der to condense the steam, and set to work to remedy this. 
Other important improvements made by Watt were the gover- 
nor and the throttle valve. (See diagram.) Thus was evolved 
the modern steam engine, with all its essential parts. Ark- 
wright and other pioneers in the application of power to the 



THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 203 

textile industries speedily realized the advantages of this new- 
power producer and introduced the steam engine into their fac- 
tories. By the opening of the nineteenth century the steam 
engine had come into its own as the king of the industrial 
world. 

90. The Revolution in Transportation. — With the progress 
of invention in the industrial arts and the consequent growth 
of commerce, a strong demand was felt for improvements in 
methods of transportation. In England, as well as on the con- 
tinent of Europe, roads were in a wretched condition until the 
closing years of the eighteenth century. Then, chiefly because 
of the new methods of road construction introduced by Telford Telford 
and Macadam, a great advance was made. The Telford road 
was named after Thomas Telford, a Scottish civil engineer 
(17 57-1834), and consists of a pavement of stone blocks placed 
on a road bed and covered with one or more layers of broken 
stone. Telford constructed more than 1000 miles of these roads. Road- and 
He is famous also for his bridge over the Severn and for the bridge-building 
Caledonian Canal. He built over 1200 bridges, the Ellesmere 
Canal connecting the Severn, Dee, and Mersey Rivers, and 
improved many harbors. 

His method of road-making was largely superseded by that 
of John Macadam (1756-1836), another Scotchman, who spent 
thirteen years of his life as a New York business man. After his 
return to Scotland he interested himself in the subject of road- 
making with such success that in 1827 he was voted $48,000 by 
parliament and appointed surveyor-general of roads. His 
method of road-making is familiar to all. The macadamized Macadamized 
road consists of layers of broken stone graded down from a fine 
binder on the surface to a lowest layer of two-inch stone next to 
the earth below grade. 

Canals for commercial purposes had been constructed as far 
back as the time of the Roman occupation of Britain; but the 
development of canals in Great Britain was left until this same 
period. The credit belongs to James Brindley (1716-1772), a 



Roads 



204 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



James Brindiey Derbyshire engineer. His first canal was built in 1761 between 

Canal-building Worsley and Manchester, and during his lifetime he built or 

planned 365 miles of canals. These canals lowered the cost of 

transportation at least seventy per cent in the regions served by 

them, and as a result a 
steady supply of raw 
material was assured to 
manufacturers, an abun- 
dant food supply to their 
laborers, and better fa- 
cilities for marketing the 
products of the factory. 
The credit for first ap- 
plying steam to trans- 
portation belongs to 
America. The steam 
engine had hardly been 
applied as a motive 
power in manufacturing 
before Oliver Evans, an 
American inventor, at- 
tempted to drive wag- 
ons and boats by 
steam; and John Fitch 
ran a steamboat on 
the Delaware in 1788 
at the surprising speed 
of eight miles an hour. 
The first to make the steam boat a commercial success was 
Robert Fulton, who in 1807 sailed the Clermont from New 
York to Albany, a distance of one hundred and fifty miles, in 
thirty hours. The Clermont was one hundred and thirty feet 
in length and was driven by paddle wheels at the sides. The 
Ocean Spread of this method of transportation was very rapid, and 

Transportation ^j^^j^jn ^i few years the era of steam transportation on water 




The steamboat 



A Clipper Ship 
Clipper built ship of the first half of the 
19th century. Compare the graceful lines of 
this ship with the awkward construction of 
the ships of earlier centuries. See Chapter 
II. 



THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 



205 




had fairly begun. This new method was quickly adopted in 
England, which had far outdistanced this country in its de- 
velopment of industry. 

The ocean-going ships of the eighteenth century were of the 
clumsy, slow build used 
for the East India trade. 
It was not until the first 
half of the nineteenth 
century that the clipper 
type of sailing vessel 
was developed. Al- 
though the steamboat 
had been developed in 
the opening years of 
the nineteenth century, 
it was used chiefly on 
the inland waterways 
and for coastwise traffic, 
until the construction 
of iron-hulled steamers after 1838. By 1850 only about 25 
per cent of ocean commerce was carried in iron steamships. 

The father of the steam locomotive was an Englishman, 
George Stephenson (i 781 -1848). He constructed the first suc- 
cessful locomotive in 18 14. It was used to haul coal nine miles 
from the mine to tide water. When a railroad was projected 
between Liverpool and Manchester, Stephenson was placed in 
charge, and the railroad was opened in 1830 with the complete 
triumph of his locomotive. Rocket, which, to the surprise even 
of its inventor, made a speed of thirty miles an hour. The 
greater efficiency of the locomotive of our own day is due to 
two factors : improvements in the machine itself and improve-, 
ments in the road bed. 

The locomotive has greatly increased in size. The first 
locomotives were hardly larger than hand cars and had boilers 
about the size of a large barrel. All are familiar with the 



A Modern Steel Steamship 



Stephenson and 
the Locomotive 



2o6 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Railroads huge locomotives which now drive the express trains. The first 

railroads were constructed with wooden rails. These were 
improved by the addition of iron straps on their upper sur- 
face. Then came iron, and later steel rails, which have made 




First Trip of the DeWitt Clinton 

This locomotive, which ran between Albany and Schenectady, was similar 
to the engines built by Stephenson. Note that the first coaches were actually 
the vehicles formerly drawn by horses. This type of coach is still represented 
in the compartment coaches of Europe. The American coach, with a central 
aisle and doors at the end instead of at the side of the coach, gradually 
evolved on this side of the ocean and in a modified form is gradually super- 
seding the older t}T)e in Europe. 

possible the great locomotives, tremendous trains, and the 
rapidity of modern railroad transportation. 

91. The Factory System and its Effects. — Perhaps the 
most important of the changes which form a part of the industrial 
revolution was the establishment of the factory system. The 



THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 



207 







Stevens's Locomotive and The Modern Locomotive 

John Stevens was the next American after Fulton to develop the steam 
engine. The upper picture shows his locomotive running over a circular 
experimental track on his estate. 

In sharp contrast to the earliest locomotives is the huge compound loco- 
motive of today. 

factory system v^as the result of a new combination of power and 
men. At the opening of the period of warfare between England 
and France which closed with the downfall of Napoleon, England 
was mainly an agricultural nation. Englishmen spun and wove 
in their cottages. At the close of the war they were employed 
in great buildings called factories and were the servants of 



Production 



208 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

machinery which was run by steam or water power. Because 
it was cheaper to operate factories where a supply of coal could 
be cheaply procured, industry was centred chiefly in the 
north of England, where the principal coal fields were to be 
found. Here, gathered together in large buildings, were persons 
of every age and both sexes, with no care for their comfort, 
health, or decency. The machines made to lessen the amount 
of hand labor eventually greatly extended it. If the laborer 
could not adapt himself to new methods, they deprived 
him of all means of livelihood. Riots were of ordinary occur- 
rence in which the less adaptable workmen sought to destroy 
these "iron men," as they termed the machines, the profit of 
whose operation went almost entirely into the pockets of their 
employers. 
Large Scale The effccts of the introduction of the factory system 

upon the life of the modern world are both numerous and far 
reaching. Among the most striking are the development of 
large scale production and the division of labor. Large 
scale production required large amounts of capital, thus 
stimulating the growth of a capitalistic class, men with 
means enough to organize these great factories. They in 
turn often took the larger portion of the wealth produced by 
their employees, leaving the latter but a bare living wage. 
Their tremendous profits were used in part to develop the 
factory system still further, so that England was able to 
clothe Europe when the Napoleonic wars were paralyzing the 
industries of the continent. In the growth of factories it 
was speedily discovered that a minute division of labor was 
not only necessary but highly profitable. By this is meant 
the specialization of the workmen in some particular opera- 
tion; for example, in the making of a pair of shoes, one work- 
man cuts out the soles, another the heels, another the uppers, 
another sews the uppers to the soles, and another performs 
some other step in the manufacture. The results are that 
each workman becomes very skilful in his own process. 



THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 209 

much time is saved, and in consequence the production is 
vastly increased. 

In the course of time it became evident that the interests of Separation of 
the employer differed from those of his employees. In order to *{ Va^ul^*^ 
increase the profits the employer had to keep down expenses, and Labor 
which often meant lowering wages. Before the coming of the 
factory, when the workman became dissatisfied with one em- 
ployer he was more free to find employment for his hands with 
some other master workman. But now the ownership of the 
machinery by the employer placed the workman almost entirely 
at his mercy. It is true that he might seek employment with 
some other owner of machinery, but it was evidently so much 
to the advantage of the factory owners to keep wages low that Wages 
the workman received little encouragement from other owners. 
This stirred up a feeling of hostihty between capital and labor 
which has lasted until the present time.^ The wealthy men of 
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries had been merchants 
rather than manufacturers. With the coming of the factory, the 
wealthy employer gained a new social prominence and political 
position, which he used to secure legislation favoring his class 
at the expense of the other classes in English society. 

92. The Effects of the Industrial Revolution. — It has been 
noted before that as a result of the abundance of the fuel supply 
great manufacturing towns began to spring up in the north of 
England. These attracted laborers from all parts of England. 
Formerly the mass of the population had been in the south; Redistribution 
after this time, the balance changed so decisively that new and po*„*ation 
serious problems of representation in parliament appeared. 
Many of the old towns decayed, yet they possessed the same Political Effects 
representation in and continued to send the same number of 
representatives to the House of Commons until the passage of 
the Reform Bill of 1832 (sec. 107), while the thriving new cities 
in the north had no representation at all. 

In 1760 a contemporary writer said that he found among the 

^ Some of these effects will be found discussed at length in Chapter XII. 



210 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Degradation of 
the Working 
Class 



Increase 
of Poverty 

Employment 
of Women 
and Children 



EvUs of 
ChUd Labor 



country weavers "not a beggar or idle person." The total 
wealth of the country was small, but there was general comfort. 
While the introduction of the factory increased the total wealth 
of the country tremendously, poverty increased at almost the 
same tremendous rate. While the population increased seventy 
per cent, the cost of poor relief increased five hundred and thirty 
per cent. This heavy burden was not alone due to the increase 
of poverty but to wasteful methods of poor relief. 

The substitution of machinery for hand labor tended to the 
employment of large numbers of women and children in the 
factories. Not much physical strength was required to operate 
the new machinery, and women and children were often more 
dexterous than men. Above all, their services were cheaper. 
As a result domestic life was disorganized. A contemporary 
says, "The females are wholly uninstructed in domestic affairs 
requisite to make them frugal wives and mothers "; and in their 
homes he found "filth, rags, and poverty." When the factories 
started it was considered a disgrace for children to work in them. 
The term "factory girl" was the most insulting that could 
be applied to a young woman, and after she had been employed 
in a factory she could never find employment elsewhere. Not 
until wages were reduced to a starvation level, would the work- 
men consent to the employment of their wives and children. 
The factory owners, therefore, had pauper children apprenticed 
to them and treated them most inhumanly. Children were 
driven at their work until they gave out through exhaustion. 
They were worked sixteen hours at a stretch, by night and by 
day. "In stench, in heated rooms, amid the constant whirling 
of a thousand wheels, little fingers and little feet were kept in 
ceaseless action, forced into unnatural activity by blows from the 
heavy hands and feet of the merciless overseer and the infliction 
of bodily pain by instruments of punishment invented by the 
sharpened ingenuity of insatiable selfishness." To prevent their 
running away, irons were riveted upon their ankles, and they 
were fed on the coarsest food and put to sleep in relays in beds 



THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 



21 I 




212 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Instability 
of Trade 



Supply and 
Demand 



The Old System 
of Trade 
Regulation 



Beginnings of 
Free Trade 



Trade- 
unionism 



which were never cool. Undoubtedly these evils were more 
prevalent in the smaller than in the better organized and larger 
factories. 

Under the domestic system of industry when luxuries were 
only slightly used and when the amount of manufactured goods 
necessary could be easily ascertained, there were no periods of 
under-consumption. Hence trade was fairly stable. With in- 
creased facilities for production, manufacturers often produced 
more than the temporary demand would justify with the hope of 
extending their trade in foreign countries. As this was a period 
of general European war, this hope suffered greatly at times in its 
fulfilment. The manufacturers found an oversupply on their 
hands and were forced to shut down their factories at irregular 
intervals, throwing thousands out of work and causing added 
social distress. 

It was the growth of the factory system which finally brought 
to an end the old system of trade regulation in England. Under 
the mercantile poHcy, laws had been passed to regulate the 
maritime trade, to stimulate industry by means of protective 
tariffs, and to encourage agriculture by the so-called Corn Laws. 
The latter had practically discouraged the importation of grain 
by means of prohibitive duties, while at the same time the expor- 
tation of grain was rewarded with bounties. The arguments of 
Adam Smith (sec. 27) for a relaxation of this system of 
governmental control in favor of a laissez-faire policy bore 
fruit in the modification of the Navigation Acts and the reduc- 
tion of duties on many imported raw materials and manu- 
factured goods. This free trade poUcy was initiated by 
Huskisson in 1823. 

A new problem was presented for governmental solution in 
the growth of trade unions. Combinations of workmen for the 
purpose of presenting a united demand upon their employers 
had been formed many times in the world's history. We find 
in the records of the past concerted action by means of strikes as 
far back as the building of the pyramids. Up to the nineteenth 



THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 213 

century, because parliament was representative only of the in- 
fluential and wealthy classes, English law had been hostile to 
unions of laborers. In 1800 parliament passed a drastic law 
declaring illegal ''all agreements between workmen for obtain- 
ing advances of wages, reductions of hours of labor, or any other 
changes in the conditions of work." Under the terms of this law 
many workmen were prosecuted and imprisoned. Yet unions 
were formed in spite of the law, and finally in 1825 parliament 
passed laws permitting laborers to combine and to attempt to 
better their lot. The courts, however, remained the strongholds 
of the manufacturers and condemned the unions as conspiracies 
in restraint of trade until 1871, when parliament expressly 
declared that such restraints of trade should no longer be re- 
garded as criminal. This is the basic law concerning labor 
unions. By the act of 1875 it was declared that no act com- 
mitted by a union could be punished as a crime unless, if 
committed by an individual, the act were criminal. 

93. Growth of Socialism. — Another significant .result of the 
introduction of the factory system was the spread of socialistic 
doctrines. Influenced by the teachings of Adam Smith, Eng- TheLaissez- 
land, and in turn the rest of the modern world, had first adopted ^^^® ^°"^^ 
the theory that the government should adopt a "hands-off" 
poHcy toward industry^ This was very satisfactory to the 
individualist, one who thinks that every man is the sole judge 
of what is best for him and should be allowed to succeed or fail 
in business as a result of his own efforts and intelligence. On ' 
the other hand, even while England was becoming a free trade 
nation, she acknowledged that a certain amount of control 
must be exercised over conditions in the factories. In fact 
there was a constant and a growing demand on the part of 
the people that the government control economic conditions. 
Some leaders and thinkers even went further and argued that 
the government should own and operate all industries. These 
people were called socialists and were regarded by some as The Socialists 
earnest workers after the betterment of the world, by others 



214 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The 
Communists 



Fourier 



Saint Simon 



Owen 



Fabianism 



as dangerous agitators seeking to undermine the very founda- 
tions of society. 

The early socialists pointed out that there is a wide gulf 
between the rich and the poor and that the inequahties of wealth 
and happiness were constantly becoming greater. They hoped 
to educate the minds of men of all classes so that a better system 
of distributing the good things of this hfe would be peacefully 
adopted. Among these peaceful socialists were several subordi- 
nate groups. The Christian socialists argued that the founder 
of their religion taught the brotherhood of all mankind and that 
it was a religious duty to further any plan which might promote 
this end. Others, called Communists, wished all property to 
be divided and held in common for the benefit of all mankind. 
Indeed, many people of today confuse all socialistic doctrine 
with the views of this small group of socialists. Charles Fourier, 
a Frenchman, believed that each man should have whatever 
he needed. To ensure this he proposed the formation of groups 
of persons, c-alled phalanxes, with 1800 in each group. Each 
phalanx was to own all buildings and means of production neces- 
sary for its maintenance. His ideas were carried to America, 
and the Brook Farm Colony was formed by several noted New 
Englanders to put in practice this theory, but it proved a failure. 
Another Frenchman, Saint Simon, believed that the state should 
control production and give to each man in proportion to the 
actual labor performed. A great English manufacturer, Robert 
Owen, was inclined to favor the cooperative ideas of Fourier 
and spent several years in an active promotion of this idea, both 
in England and America. One form of socialism which became 
popular in England was known as Fabian socialism, so called 
from the hesitating Roman general Fabius, who advocated a 
policy of delay in the war against Hannibal. Its adherents 
believe in making haste slowly and look to the government to 
cooperate with them in the attainment of their aims by favorable 
legislation. The revolutionary forms of socialism developed 
much later and will be considered in their proper connection. 



THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 215 

94. The Industrial Revolution on the Continent. — Thus far 
the course of the Industrial Revolution has been followed as it 
affected England. It remains to summarize briefly its course 
upon the continent. It was not until the period that followed 
the downfall of Napoleon that France passed from the domestic in France 
to the factory system. The change was characterized by the 
same social convulsion that we have observed in England. All 
the evils of the movement, viz., excessive hours of labor, woman 
and child labor, dangerous labor conditions, and greed upon 
the part of the employers, were no less in evidence in France 
than across the Channel. Remedial legislation was exasperat- 
ingly slow in coming, and a French law forbade workmen to 
form unions for the purpose of bettering their condition. It is 
not strange that the laborers of France often showed their hostil- 
ity to a government which permitted their exploitation. The 
rising of the silk weavers of Lyons in 1831 is an illustration. 
Earning the pitiful wage of eighteen cents for a day of fifteen 
to sixteen hours, they emblazoned upon their banner the motto, 
''We will live by working or die fighting." 

During the era of Metternich (1815-1848), Austria-Hungary in Austria- 
experienced the industrial revolution. The evils common to this Hungary 
social upheaval caused workmen out of employment to drift to 
Vienna, Prague, and Budapest and there to constitute a dangerous 
and desperate city mob, embittered against the government and 
ready to join in revolutionary movements. Austria and Ger- 
many remained behind France and England in their industrial 
development. Germany, with her large agricultural interests in Germany 
and few large cities, did not feel the pressure of the demand for 
a change in manufacturing methods until after the ideal of 
German unity had been implanted in German hearts. Since 
1866 Germany's industrial development has increased by leaps 
and bounds, until today she is the admiration and the despair 
of rival nations. 

Russia, situated farther away from progressive industrial in Russia 
countries of western Europe and, even more than Germany, 



2i6 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

exclusively an agricultural country of the most primitive meth- 
ods, did not feel the effects of the industrial revolution until the 
last quarter of the nineteenth century, and it was not until the 
twentieth century that she caught up in any sense with her 
In Japan western neighbors. The most startling change is to be observed 

in the island empire of Japan, which has emerged from a feudal 
and industrially primitive stage into the light of modern civiliza- 
tion almost within the present generation. From the foregoing 
it will be seen that the change from the domestic to the factory 
system has been developing from the time of its origin in Eng- 
land in the eighteenth century to the present day with an ever- 
increasing momentum, spreading in waves of progress from its 
original home to the farthest quarters of the globe. We can 
neither prophepy the end of this remarkable social development, 
nor, in our wildest dreams, form an adequate estimate of its 
future possibilities for mankind. 

SUGGESTIVE TOPICS AND QUESTIONS FOR 
FURTHER REFERENCE 

I. Describe the manorial system of agriculture. 2. Review the condi- 
tion of the agricultural laborer from feudal times to the eighteenth century. 
3. Discuss the evils of the open-field system. 4. What were the farming 
implements in use at the opening of the eighteenth century? 5. What were 
the characteristics of agriculture in the eighteenth century? 6. Give an 
account of the work of Arthur Young. 7. Discuss the condition of the roads 
of England during this century. 8. Discuss the work of Coke of Holkham. 
9. Describe the agricultural conditions during the period from 1793 to 1815, 
and show how they influenced the outcome of events. 10. Describe the 
construction and operation of each of the following inventions: (a) the 
"spinning jenny"; (b) the "mule"; (c) the "flying shuttle"; (d) the cotton 
gin; (e) the blast furnace; (/) Watt's steam engine. 11. Compare the 
methods of road construction introduced by Telford and Macadam with 
those employed by modern road builders. 12. Describe the first steamboat 
and compare its construction, capacity, and speed with modern river boats 
like those which ply on the Hudson. 13. Describe the early locomotives 
and compare their construction, appearance, tractile capacity, and speed with 
modern locomotives. 14. Discuss the industrial, social, and poUtical effects 
of the introduction of the factory system. 15. Discuss the advantages of 
the division of labor. 16. Discuss the present status of the problems of 
child and woman labor. 17. Discuss the theories of Adam Smith, Fourier, 



THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 217 

Saint Simon, the Brook Farm community, and Robert Owen. 18. Show 
that the term " industrial revolution " involves a much broader social change 
than the word " industrial" implies. 

Collateral Re.^ding 

I. The Eve of the Industrial Revolution. 

Cunningham, Growth of EngHsh Industry and Commerce, Vol. II, 
pp. 500-15. Gibbins, Industry in England, pp. 143-56. Toyn- 
bee, The Industrial Revolution, pp. 38-72. Cheyney, Industrial 
and Social History of England, pp. 185-9. 
11. The Agricultural Revolution. 

Cunningham, Vol. II, pp. 540-62. Curtler, A Short History of 
English Agriculture, pp. 148-9, 152-5, 163-78, 190-4, 214-7, 
220-8. Cheyney, pp. 183-5, 216-20. Webster, General History 
of Commerce, pp. 21 1-4. Larson, Short History of England, 
pp. 504-6. Tickner, Social and Industrial History of England, 
pp. 499-509, 541-8. Hayes, Modern Europe, Volume I, 
pp. 395-9. Fordham, English Rural Life, pp. 111-17, 
III. Mining and Transportation. 

Cunningham, Vol. II, pp. 526-40, 811-6. Day, A History of 
Commerce, pp. 290-301, 302-14. Cheyney, pp. 214-6. Tickner, 
pp. 518-29. 

IV. The Industrial Revolution and the Factory System. 

Cunningham, Vol. II, pp. 609-57. Gibbins, pp. 156-97. Toynbee, 
pp. 85-93. Cheyney, pp. 203-13, 224-8, 235-9. Webster, 
pp. 215-21. Larson, pp. 499-504. Day, pp. 280-9. Hawkes- 
worth, The Last Century in Europe, pp. 16-23. Tickner, pp. 
510-8, 530-40, 564-75. Hayes, Vol. II, pp. 77-82. 

V. Robert Owen and the Humanitarian Movement. 

Cunningham, Vol. II, pp. 745-810. Robinson and Beard, Vol. II, 
pp. 206-13, 395. Cheyney, pp. 244-60. 

Source Studies 

1. Arthur Young on the conditions in agriculture. Cheyney, Readings in 

English History, pp. 610-2. 

2. Hargreaves's invention of the spinning jenny. Robinson and Beard, 

Readings in Modern European History, Vol. II, pp. 45-9. 

3. Account of Crompton's life. Ibid., pp. 49-52. 

4. Cartwright's narrative concerning the invention of the power loom. 

Ihid., pp. 52-3. 

5. The steam engine. Ihid., pp. 58-62. Colby, Sources in English His- 

tory, pp. 268-70. Work of James Watt. Cheyney, pp. 614-5. 

6. Fulton's account of the first steamboat. Robinson and Beard, Vol. II, 

pp. 406-8. 

7. The factory system. Ihid., pp. 62-7. 



2l8 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

8. The mercantile theory. Library of Original Sources, Vol. VI (Mun), 

pp. 157-63. Ibid. (Adam Smith), pp. 399-409. 

9. The basis of property is labor. Ibid. (Locke), pp. 164-71. 

10. The rate of wages in 1795. Colby, pp. 278-81. 

11. Louis Blanc's labor program. Robinson and Beard, Vol. II, pp. 76-8. 

Suggestions for Map Work 

1. On outhne maps of England compare the geographical distribution of 
population before and after the industrial revolution. Show the coal and 
iron fields. Locate the principal manufacturing towns. Show the location 
of the principal industries. Show the districts in which manufacturing was 
carried on jointly with agriculture in 1750. Show the principal canals and 
waterways. 

2. On a map of the world show the principal lines of railroads and steam- 
ships. 

Map References 
Shepherd, Historical Atlas. Holt. Industrial England since 1750, p. 162. 
Trade routes, p. 179, 

M.MiT, School Atlas of Modern History. Holt. England before the indus- 
trial revolution, p. 36. England after the industrial revolution, p. 36. 

Gardiner, Atlas of English History. Longmans. Industries of the British 
Isles, p. 64. 

Bibliography 

Cheyney. Introduction to the Industrial and Social History of England. 

Macmillan. 
Cheyney. Readings in English History. Ginn. 
Colby. Selected Sources in English History. Longmans. 
Cunningham. Growth of English Industry and Commerce, Volume II. 

Cambridge University Press. 
Curtler. A Short History of English Agriculture. Oxford University Press. 
Day. A History of Commerce. Longmans. 
Fordham. English Rural Life. Scribners. 
Gibbins. Industry in England. Scribners. 
Hawkesworth. The Last Century in Europe. Longmans. 
Hayes, The Political and Social History of Modern Europe. Volumes I 

and II. Macmillan. 
Larson. Short History of England. Holt. 
Library of Original Sources. Volume VI. University Research Extension 

Co. 
Robinson and Beard. Development of Modern Europe. Volume II. Ginn. 
Robinson and Beard. Readings in Modern European History. Volume IE 

Ginn. 
Tickner. Social and Industrial History of England. Longmans. 
Toynbee. The Industrial Revolution. Longmans. 
Webster. General History of Commerce. Ginn. • 



CHAPTER VIII 

METTERNICH AND THE STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL 
GOVERNMENT 

95. Metternich and the Reaction in Europe. — It has al- 
ready been pointed out how entirely the Congress of Vienna 
ignored the wishes of the peoples living within the states whose 
boundaries they sought to determine. One of the most promi- 
nent and influential members of the Congress was the Austrian 
Chancellor, Prince Metternich. He referred to himself as " the 
man of what was." He claimed, with perhaps little reason, 
the credit for the final settlements which were reached of the 
many perplexing problems confronting the statesmen of Europe 
on that occasion. His attitude towards the resettlement of 
Europe was typical of the reactionary forces which now sought 
to regain their sway. He had a horror of anything which sa- 
vored of government by the people and sought to establish once Character 
and for all the domination of the forces of absolutism and ^f^/*™^ 

of Metternich 

reaction. He was by conviction an extreme conservative, abso- 
lutely rejecting, individually and collectively, all the changes 
which had followed in the wake of the French Revolution. 
He proposed to establish Europe upon so firm a basis that 
another upheaval, such as had characterized the closing years of 
the eighteenth century, would be impossible. All the exiled 
monarchs were therefore restored — tyrants though they were in 
many instances — and royal descent alone was accepted as the 
condition entitling a man to rule a country. This was known 
as the principle of legitimacy. The various experiments which Legitimacy 
France had tried with different constitutions, oligarchic, aristo- 
cratic, or popular, were utterly ignored. Like the rulers whom he 



220 



ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 




Prince Metternich 
The master of European politics from 1 815 to 1848. 



STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT 221 

had helped to reestabUsh, he "had learned nothing and forgotten 
nothing." 

When the monarchy was reestablished in France by the resto- Louis xviii 
ration of the old Bourbon line, the new ruler, Louis XVIII, in- ^° ^g^^^ ^'^^^^ 
augurated his reign by granting a constitution known as the 
Charter of 1814. While this recognized in a measure the power 
of the people, the conditions under which it was proclaimed and 
its very name of charter were evidence enough to the French 
people that this was not a government resting upon the will of 
the majority but a gracious grant of such powers as it pleased- 
the monarch to bestow upon his loyal subjects. That France 
had gained by the Revolution was indicated by the abandonment 
for the moment of all efforts to restore the ancien regime with 
all its contradictions, exactions, and tyranny. Peace and pros- 
perity were what the French people were now seeking — an 
opportunity to recover from the stress and strain of the eventful 
period which had just closed. They could not, however, forget 
the lessons inculcated by the Revolution nor those great ideals 
of liberty and equality which had been the lodestar of so many 
Frenchmen during the past quarter century. For this reason Relation 
France was jealously watched by her neighbors, who feared °^ ^'"a^^c® 
the contagion of her example and a new outburst of her enthusi- 
asm. The path of her rulers was destined to be a thorny one 
if they trespassed too far upon the rights of a once sovereign 
people, and in the great upheavals within her borders are to be 
seen for some time to come the time Hmits of the great epochs 
which marked the history of Europe. 

The return of the exiled Bourbon rulers to Spain and to the The 
Kingdom of Naples and of the petty rulers to the small states f/theBourbons 
of Italy illustrates the conditions which prevailed throughout in Spain 
the greater part of Europe after 181 5. These rulers, with great ^^^ Naples 
unanimity and accord, immediately wiped out every vestige of 
the great reforms which French rule had inaugurated within 
their domains, and the epoch which was now ushered in is one 
of the darkest in their history. Their zeal in bringing back the 



222 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Abolition 
of Reforms 



The Situation 
in Central 
Europe 



The German 
Confederation 



The Situation 
in Austria 



old conditions knew no bounds, as is illustrated by the monarch 
who ordered the uprooting in his botanical gardens of all plants 
bearing French names. 

Although the three hundred odd states which Napoleon had 
found in Germany in the eighteenth century were not restored, 
nevertheless that dream of a fatherland, united and strong, 
which had been the inspiration of those young men who had 
taken up arms in the War of Liberation (sec. 80) had van- 
ished so completely that it seemed like a beautiful mirage in 
the desert. The new German Confederation was so organized 
that it did not hold out a single ray of hope to German patriots 
that it would ever become the nucleus of a powerful German 
empire. It was composed of all the German states, and the rulers 
followed the example of the rulers of the South of Europe by 
restoring many a mediaeval custom and practice which had been 
characteristic of the past. The great wave of regeneration which 
had swept Germany for the first time since the days of the 
Thirty Years' War had apparently spent itself vainly upon the 
rocks, and the day of her advent among the nations of Europe 
as their equal was indefinitely postponed. 

Within the Austrian possessions reaction naturally reigned 
supreme. The ruler sought to bring back the practices of a 
bygone generation. From his capital, Vienna, came the orders 
which determined the course of action of much of the rest of 
Europe. In the various parts of this conglomerate Empire, 
with its mixture of creeds and races, the same conditions pre- 
vailed as in the states whose policies Vienna sought to dictate. 
The one great advantage which the Congress of Vienna had 
conferred upon Austria was the consolidation of her dominions, 
as may be seen by a glance at the map. 

96. The Tory Reaction in England. — Even in England the 
epoch which followed the defeat of Napoleon was marked by 
reactionary measures and efforts on the part of the ruling class to 
dominate the situation. The strain of the struggle with Napo- 
leon was now felt as never before, and the ruling class, although 



STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT 223 




^^V emce 
[->:j Germans 
r"l Magyars 'I "^ '^ J ^ |— 

CZ3 Rumanians \ '^ .-%f 

and Servians 
^gffl Rutlienians \^ ^ 

EM3 Czechs ^ -^ 

IIMIII Slovaks 
□ Poles 
ni Slovene 
Italians 



DISTRIBUTION OF RACES 

IN 

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 



'itude 10 East 




Longitude 16 East from 20 Greenwich 



224 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



pretending to advocate a more liberal and a more democratic 
form of government than that which prevailed upon the conti- 
nent, sought not only to maintain themselves in power but to 
take an unfair advantage of their position. The price of grain, 
or of corn as it was called, had been high throughout the war, as 
was to be expected under the conditions which prevailed. The 
majority in parliament, which was recruited from the country 
squires, the merchants, and the great manufacturers, failed to 
The Corn Laws modify materially the notorious corn laws which had been 
enacted in the interests of the Enghsh grain producers, but 
sought instead to bolster up these prices even after the war had 
closed. Under these laws no foreign supply of grain could be 
sold in England unless English grain was seUing at a certain 
price in the market. This price the law definitely fixed. The 
change from farming to industry in certain parts of England, 
and from the domestic system of industry to the factory system 
during this period of European upheaval, aggravated the misery 
and wretchedness of the masses, who had not as yet adjusted 
themselves to these transformations. The burden of taxation 
was heavy, as England had piled up a tremendous debt, and 
with the high prices demanded for foodstuffs thousands were 
on the verge of want and starvation. 

As has so often been the case, the masses looked to the govern- 
ment to alleviate their distress and recognized perhaps as never 
before the political inequalities which separated the industrial 
classes from their rulers and employers. The government was 
in a measure responsible for some of this wretchedness, and in 
its denial of representation to populous districts the majority 
thought they detected the root of all the ills which threatened 
them. Monster meetings were held in the manufacturing towns; 
petitions were circulated; and protests began to flood the coun- 
try against the injustices from which the masses suffered. These 
meetings were not always orderly; in some cases there was 
The rioting. The soldiers were called upon to disperse one of these 

MassacTe*^^ gatherings in Manchester, and in a clash between the soldiers 



Heavy 
Taxation 



STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT 225 

and the mob several lives were sacrificed. The government, 
which had little or no sympathy with these longings of the 
masses, immediately took alarm. Parliament suspended the 
writ of habeas corpus and passed the Six Acts prohibiting The six Acts 
assemblies, restricting the publication of many of the attacks 
upon the government, and in other ways preventing an expres- 
sion of the discontent which had been so clearly manifested. 
97. Metternich and the Holy Alliance. — It was a cardinal 
principle with Metternich and with the reactionaries whom he 
represented not alone to undo the work of the Revolution, but 
to maintain the conditions which have just been described. 
Curiously enough, the sentimentahsm bf the Tsar of Russia was influence of 
used by Metternich to help accomplish this result. The Tsar *^® '^^" 
had granted a fairly liberal constitution to that larger Poland 
to which he had fallen heir by the agreements concluded at 
Vienna. Although his attitude was much the same as that of 
the benevolent despot, he was prompted to grant these con- 
cessions out of a certain sympathy for the national aspirations of 
this portion of his great empire and a conviction as to his respon- 
sibilities as a Christian for the welfare of the subjects with whom 
he had been intrusted. When the sentimental Lord of the 
Russias proposed to the practical-minded Metternich a Holy 
Alliance whose aims should be "to adopt no other rule of con- 
duct than the precepts of Christianity, the precepts of justice, 
charity and peace," and in high sounding phrases sought to 
commit the nations involved to a course of conduct based upon 
the great principles of Christianity, Metternich welcomed the 
project most enthusiastically, believing that he could make it 
serve the particular object which was uppermost in his mind — 
the domination of Europe. The alliance was therefore concluded 
between Russia, Austria, and Prussia (Sep. 26, 181 5), and al- 
though, to quote the words of Metternich, the program was 
''mere verbiage," it became a very real force in Europe for the 
next generation. Almost a century later, in 1898, Europe was 
similarly startled and astonished by a proposal which seemed 



226 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

equally out of harmony with the course of Russian development 
— the calling of the first peace conference at the Hague. Almost 
all the nations gave their adherence to the Holy Alliance; some 
out of respect for the Tsar, others in the belief that it really did 
not commit them to anything. More effective, however, than 
this grandiose scheme was another alliance concluded Novem- 

The Quadruple ber 20, 1815. This was the Quadruple Alliance, composed of the 
same three countries which formed the nucleus of the Holy Alli- 
ance, but including England. This combination rather than the 
Holy Alliance became the real arbiter of Europe in the epoch 
which followed. England, however, would not lend her aid 
to the repressive measures which Metternich sought to put 
into operation, and the Quadruple Alliance became confused 
with the Holy Alliance. The three members of the former, 
whose ideas harmonized, proceeded to enforce treaties signed by 
the four powers, and became known as the Holy Alliance because 
Metternich pretended to be acting in accordance with the Tsar's 
original program for the Holy Alliance. These four great 
powers had bound themselves to preserve the arrangements 
made at the Congress of Vienna and to come together from time 
to time to consider any questions of international importance 
which might arise in the future. This so-called "concert of the 
powers" sought to maintain the "concert of Europe." Metter- 
nich, as has already been indicated, dominated the three great 
continental states, and almost from the beginning his ideas were 

Intervention out of harmony with those of England. "Intervention" was 
the watchword of these three powers of the Holy Alliance, and 
with Metternich as its watchdog this combination of great powers 
exercised a careful scrutiny into the internal developments of 
each state, detecting in every change the symptoms of a revo- 
lution which might sweep all Europe and produce other ka- 
leidoscopic changes, and endeavoring to repress all such 
manifestations. 

98. Struggle for Constitutional Government. — The next 
thirty years were marked by vigorous protests against the Met- 



STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT 227 

ternich system in various parts of Europe and by attempts to 
secure the recognition of the principle that the governed are en- 
titled to a share in the government — a recognition which should 
take the form of the grant of a constitution. There were also 
protests in many quarters against the failure to recognize the 
principle of nationality. Nationalities were ignored to the same The Principle 
extent as marked the Napoleonic regime, and the union of Bel- °* Nationality 
gium and Holland, the joining together of Norway and Sweden, 
the rule of Austria in Italy, the failure to interfere with the 
Turkish control of the Christian states in the Balkans, the 
formation of the German Confederation, and many other cir- 
cumstances of a similar character, gave rise to bitter heart- 
burnings and caused Europe to seethe with discontent. From 
time to time the molten mass below burst its barriers and 
spread consternation among the conservative element which 
was straining every nerve to suppress it. 

Three important movements mark the period: that of 
1820-22, that of 1830, and that of 1848. Each represents a 
vigorous protest, each more vigorous than the one before it, 
until 1848 is reached, a date marking a general upheaval in 
which the edifice so skilfully reared by Metternich began to 
tumble about his ears. In spite of these disturbances of '20, The Revo- 
'30, and '48, which have been styled revolutions, after they issrind ms 
were all over the general condition of Europe remained much 
as it was in 181 5. It was a period of bitter disappointment, a 
time of hopes entertained only to be blasted. With the excep- 
tion of France and England, conservatism seemed triumphant 
everywhere, and every effort of democracy to secure recognition 
seemed foredoomed to failure. Individual trenches had been 
taken, but the citadel was still unconquered. 

The Revolution of 1820-22 was confined largely to the ex- The Revoiu 
tremities of Europe, to the Latin South, and began in Spain 
and Portugal. In Spain King Ferdinand's tyranny had be- Portugal 
come unbearable, and this fact, combined with successful move- 
ments for independence in the Spanish colonies in South and 



tions of 1820 in 
Spain and 



228 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The " Constitu- 
tion of 1812 " 



The Wars for 
Independence 
in the Spanish 
Colonies 



Central America, gave the signal for an uprising at home. 
The Spanish soldiers, who had been mobilized at one of the 
ports preparatory to setting sail to recover these colonies, raised 
the standard of revolt with a demand for "the Constitution of 
1 812," a liberal form of government which had been drawn up 

in the course of the expulsion 
of the French from the penin- 
sula, but which had been with- 
drawn with the restoration of 
Ferdinand VII. A mob sur- 
rounded the palace at Madrid 
and forced the king to take the 
oath to the constitution. 

The disturbances in Span- 
ish America date back to the 
days of Napoleon's domination 
when the hold of Spain upon 
her American colonies, none too 
strong at best, was seriously 
weakened. During this period 
these peoples took advantage 
of the disorder at home and 
declared their independence of 
the mother country. Bolivar 
was the great hero in South 
America, but he had his imi- 
tators throughout the entire 
territory under the Spanish 
flag. The Central American 
states declared their indepen- 
dence and joined to form the 




Bolivar 

General Simon Bolivar was born 
of good parentage and was educated 
in Madrid, Spain. He visited Paris 
during the closing da3^s of the French 
Revolution and doubtless received 
from Napoleon the inspiration to 
great military exploits. On his re- 
turn to Venezuela in 1809 he soon 
joined the revolutionary movement 
and became the greatest general and 
statesman South America has yet pro- 
duced. He freed Venezuela, Colom- 
bia, Peru and Upper Peru (renamed 
in his honor Bolivia), and Ecuador 
from Spanish rule, and all the states 
of South and Central America bene- 
fited by his work. 



Republic of the United States 
of Central America. In Mexico the standard of rebellion was 
set up under Hidalgo (1810). Iturbide achieved the final ex- 
pulsion of the Spaniards, only to set himself up as emperor. 



STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT 229 

He was overthrown however, and in 1822 the repubHc was 
established. One after the other these colonies succeeded in 
overturning completely the rule of the mother country. Fol- 
lowing the example of Spain, Portugal also demanded and ob- 
tained a liberal constitution from her ruler in 1822. In the 
same year her colony of Brazil was proclaimed an independent 
Empire under Dom Pedro I. 

The people of the south of Italy, stimulated perhaps by the The Uprisings 
news of these revolts and driven to exasperation by the tyranny and^oreece 
of another Ferdinand, took up arms in the Kingdom of Naples 
and forced their ruler to grant them the same constitution which 
was demanded by the Spaniards. There were also disturbances 
in distant Greece, which had long groaned under the yoke of the 
infidel Turk. The progress of the movement there is a phase 
of the near Eastern question and will be considered later. 

99. Unrest in Germany and the Doctrine of Intervention. — 
Meanwhile, although Northern and Central Europe made no 
appeal to the sword, certain developments in Germany seemed 
to augur inauspiciously for the preservation of the arrangements 
made at Vienna. Great political activity was shown among 
the young men in the universities. Patriotic societies, such 
as the Burschenschaft, had been formed during the War of 
Liberation (sec. 80), and many of these now set themselves 
to the task of keeping alive and strengthening those aspirations 
for union which had met with such a sad f ate in 1 8 1 5 . A meeting 
of representatives of these societies from all over Germany was 
held on the Wartburg in 181 7 to commemorate the 300th anni- The Wartburg 
versary of the Reformation. In the celebration which followed c®^®*""*"*"^ 
patriotic speeches were delivered; some of the reactionary litera- 
ture of the time was burned ; and in general a spirit of hostility 
was shown to the existing order. The university professors had 
all along shown themselves most outspoken against the condi- 
tions which prevailed in Germany, and when, in March 181 9, a 
zealous student named Sand murdered Kotzebue, an agent of Murder 
the Tsar appointed to watch for symptoms of unrest and report °^ ^lotzebue 



230 



ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The Carlsbad 
Decrees 



Congresses 
of Laibach 
and Verona 



Opposition 
to the Holy 
Alliance 



George 
Canning and 
the Origin of 
the Monroe 
Doctrine 



them to his august master, it seemed to Metternich and to his 
supporters that the time had come for vigorous action. 

Intervention seemed the best method of handling all these 
situations. Metternich called a meeting of the King of Prussia 
and interested princes of Germany at Carlsbad in August, 1819, 
and persuaded them that their own safety demanded strong 
measures against this freedom of thought and expression so rife 
among their subjects. They agreed, therefore, to the Carlsbad 
Decrees, which committed them to the enforcement of a strict 
censorship over the press and a close supervision of the uni- 
versities. 

Metternich had scarcely finished with this business when the 
revolutions broke out in Spain and Naples, and to deal with these 
situations he called his confederates together in congresses 
which met at Troppau, then at Laibach, and later at Verona. 
Upon the petition of the King of Naples, who repented of his 
compliance with the demands of his subjects now that assistance 
seemed near, the Congress of Laibach despatched Austrian 
troops to restore the old order in the Italian peninsula. At 
Verona arrangements were made for . sending a French force 
into Spain to help the other Ferdinand. As a result, condi- 
tions worse if anything than those known in 181 5 marked the 
years which immediately followed. 

The idea of intervention, which was one of the cardinal prin- 
ciples of the Metternich system, — the right to interfere in the 
domestic affairs of another state — had already experienced a 
severe setback. It was a part of the plan of the states which 
made up the Holy Alliance to recover for Spain her lost territories 
in America, but England and the United States helped to frus- 
trate this move. England had all along been lukewarm toward 
the schemes of the Holy Alliance. The actual break came when 
George Canning became foreign minister. He was one of Eng- 
land's foremost statesmen and dared to proclaim to the world 
the rights of nations and England's opposition to any form of 
intervention. He declared that " the independence of the 



STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT 231 

Spanish colonies was an accomplished fact " and in 1824 
signed a commercial treaty with the Argentine Confederation 
and the following year despatched charges d'affaires to the 
Spanish American republics. In 1824 President Monroe, pos- 
sibly at the suggestion of Canning, proclaimed to the world 
the doctrine since known by his name — that the Americas 
were "henceforth not to be considered subjects for future 
colonization by any European powers"; that the United States 
would regard as an unfriendly act any effort either then or in 
the distant future to alter the existing arrangements. Spain 
was too weak to act upon her own behalf, and this clear state- 
ment of the attitude of the United States saved the newly 
created republics from European intervention. The outspoken 
hostility of England showed unmistakably also the difficulty of 
maintaining ''the concert of Europe" by a "concert of the 
powers." 

100. The July Revolution and its Effects. — Meanwhile 
matters had been going from bad to worse in France, the 
mother of revolution and the source of so many of the ideas 
which were fermenting in the minds of liberals all over Europe. 
The Royahsts opposed Louis XVIII in all his efforts to recognize, 
be it ever so shghtly, the work of the Revolution. He was finally 
forced to bow to the reactionary platform of the party known as 
the Ultras or Ultra Royalists, led by his younger brother, the The ultra 
Count of Artois, who was the next heir to the throne. Al- ^^^^^^^^^ 
though the charter was not withdrawn in his reign, it began to 
be enforced in a narrowly restrictive sense through the power 
wielded by the Ultras. They sought the restoration of the 
ancien regime, and, when their leader ascended the throne in 
1824 as Charles X, the outlook was dark indeed for the sup- Reign of 
porters of the charter and the friends of democracy. France ^^^^^®^ ^ 
seemed no longer a beacon Hght to the nations of Europe 
when in 1823 French troops were sent to suppress the Revolution 
in Spain. Although the government machinery was fast falling 
under the control of King Charles and his supporters, a vigorous 



232 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The July 
Ordinances 



Accession of 
IfOUis Philippe 



The Orleans 
or Bourgeois 
Monarchy 



opposition to his measures manifested itself outside the walls 
of the legislative chamber in the attacks of the journalists. 
Such a spirit of unrest developed that the king in July, 1830, 
issued a series of ordinances by which the charter was 
seriously modified and the franchise narrowly restricted and 
regulated. These "July Ordinances" also fettered the free- 
dom of the press by new and severe regulations. This action 
was the signal for a vigorous protest on the part of the 
journalists, which was followed by an uprising of the people 
of Paris. Charles X, despairing of his ability to retain the 
crown, finally decided to abdicate and fled with his family to 
England. In this turn of events La Fayette again came to the 
fore and helped to establish a government. Although there 
were demands for a restoration of the Republic, voiced princi- 
pally by the working classes, the leaders, who came from the 
middle class or bourgeoisie, were fearful of the consequences of 
such a radical step and wanted the Duke of Orleans to be 
their ruler. 

That the people were still under the influence of the French 
Revolution was apparent in a proclamation which appeared 
pointing out how the Duke of Orleans ''had carried the tricolor 
under fire at Valmy and at Jemappes and had been devoted 
to the Revolutionary cause." Declaring that the charter would 
now be a reality, he was proclaimed king withi the title of Louis 
Philippe. Possibly mindful of the Revolution of 1688 in Eng- 
land, a parliamentary body had first gone over the charter, 
making needed changes, and had submitted it to the new ruler 
for his adherence. By this act it became a veritable constitution 
and the new reign ushered in a period of parliamentary rule 
comparable in many respects to that which marked the reign of 
Wifliam and Mary in England. Louis Philippe was a kinsman 
of the Bourbons, but he rejected any claim which he might 
have to the succession by his title of King of the French instead 
of King of France. His accession began the rule of the Orleans 
dynasty. The part played by the middle classes in the estab- 



STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT 233 

lishment of this Orleans monarchy caused the name of bour- 
geois to be attached to it, and Louis Phihppe prided himself 
upon being a bourgeois king. 

The July Revolution was the signal for movements in other Spread of the 
parts of Europe, notably in Belgium, Poland, and Italy. J"iy Revolution 




Louis Philippe Entering Paris after the Revolution of 1830 

Portions of the barricades erected by the mob for street fighting may be 
seen to the right. 

Outside of Belgium these movements were everywhere marked 
by failure, and the demands for constitutional government were 
speedily stifled. In Belgium the people succeeded in bringing Revolution 
about its separation from Holland and the establishment of a 
parliamentary government under the rule of Leopold I. This 



of 1830 
in Belgium 



234 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



result was not attained without a struggle. The action of 
France and England in recognizing the new arrangements 
assured its permanence (Conference of London, 1830). The 
northern and central portions of the Italian peninsula were 



■^"^/mKmJKHIBIIKKlKIB 


•C' "■ "~'ZZ^Wm 




C^^^^- ■ 




D-BBijI^^^ 




B .'; \^ 


liin 



The Return from St. Helena 

King Louis Philippe entered into negotiations with England and secured 
the return of Napoleon's body to Paris, where it now rests beneath the 
dome of the Hotel des Invalides in a magnificent sarcophagus. This picture 
portrays the passage of the casket down the Champs Elysees in Paris. 

shaken by revolutionary movements in 1830, but Austrian 
interference speedily put an end to all hopes" of the realization 
of a new order. The Polish Revolution was marked by a 
heroism which only made the outcome all the more sad for all 
friends of Polish nationahty. For a long time secret societies 



Revolution 
in France 



STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT 235 

had been planning for a more complete autonomy. The 
watchword now was "Let us imitate the Parisians; let us do 
like France." "AH or nothing" was the cry. But they were 
no match for the resources of the Tsar, and the constitution 
granted by Tsar Alexander was suppressed. "There was no 
longer either kingdom or army; the work of Alexander and 
that of Constantine were alike annulled." 

101. The Revolution of 1848 in France. — By this time The industrial 
those economic changes which were peculiar to the history of the 
British Isles between 1750 and 181 5, and which have been called 
the Industrial Revolution, had already made their appearance 
upon the continent. Both as First Consul and as Emperor, 
Napoleon had shown an interest in the remarkable development 
of industry across the channel as the result of the new inven- 
tions and improved processes and had sought to encourage 
manufacturing at home. Many of these efforts, however, had 
been sacrificed in the interests of his vigorous foreign policy, 
and it was not until after his overthrow that France began to 
turn to industry. By 1830 the working classes were beginning 
to feel their power and to realize, as had the English working- 
men before them, their political inferiority. This feeling was 
largely the result of their exploitation at the hands of the capi- 
talist or employing classes. Their wages were low and their em- 
ployers seemed to be getting the lion's share of the fruits of their 
toil. Their ancient trade guilds had been broken up by laws 
enacted during the French Revolution and they were now denied 
the right to organize, which was another handicap in dealing with 
their emxployers. Even before the accession of Louis Philippe, 
socialism had appeared holding out a program of betterment for 
the worker. The various reform programs suggested had little 
effect in uniting the workers, who were becoming more numerous 
and more dissatisfied as time passed. All this was changed ideas of 
about 1840 with the appearance of Louis Blanc. He insisted ^°"^^ ^^^'^^ 
that the state must be " the banker of the poor " and that the gov- 
ernment should furnish the necessary money for the workers 



236 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

by the establishment in each industry of social workshops where 
the laborers should direct their own labor and in addition to their 
wages should share in the proceeds. The advent of Louis Blanc 
marked the formation of the SociaHst Party, which came to play 
an important part in the revolution of 1848. 

Causes of The revolutionary movement of 1848, if it did not actually 

*^*i848°^""°° begin in France, received its impetus largely from developments 
there. In spite of the honesty of the bourgeois king, Louis 

The Bourgeois Philippe, who has been pictured as standing before the shop 
onarc y windows of Paris with an umbrella tucked under his arm, the 

government of France was conducted in the interests of the 
minority. It was a parliamentary government, but it very 
much resembled the government of England in 181 5 in its fail- 
ure to represent the masses. The introduction of steam and 
the accompanying revolution in transportation which followed 
the use of the steamboat and the railroad still further aggravated 
the lot of the wage earner as industry developed by leaps and 
bounds. The SociaHst Party became increasingly active. Side 
by side with this element was to be found a republican party, 
advocating a more direct participation of the masses in the affairs 
of the government. The attitude of the French king resem- 
bled that of George III of England, as he sought to impose 
his own ideas upon the country by a clever manipulation of 
the party system. Both king and ministers ignored the various 
demands for reform which were daily becoming more and 
more insistent. A typical illustration of this attitude is to 

Guizot be seen in the* career of Guizot, Louis Philippe's greatest 

minister, who labored earnestly to block all change and pre- 
serve the constitution as it had been drawn up in 1830. Al- 
though above bribery and corruption himself, he showed little 
hesitation in employing means of this sort to maintain him- 
self in power. Votes were secured for government measures 
by a judicious distribution of offices and favors, so that the 
way seemed absolutely closed to peaceful reform. Things 
might have gone on in this way indefinitely had it not been for 



STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT 237 

the interference of the government with certain banquets at 
which the grievances of the people were being aired by enter- 
prising journahsts and reformers. For some time back there had 
seemed to be Uttle about the government to commend it to 
Frenchmen, and when it sought to interfere with a compara- 
tively innocent means of voicing the existing unrest, it drove its 
critics to more aggressive forms of action. When the minister. The 
therefore, forbade the holding of a larger banquet than usual, ^*°<i"^*s 
which had been called for February 22, 1848, and troops were 
called out to clear the streets of the crowds which had collected, 
rioting became the order of the day, and the bolder spirits soon 
secured the upper hand, erecting barricades and shouting de- 
fiance at the minister and king. So unstable did the govern- Overthrow of 
ment prove itself in this crisis that within the space of three *^^ Monarchy 
days it had been entirely swept away and in its place a re- 
public had been set up, presided over by the republicans and 
the followers of Louis Blanc. The provisional government im- 
mediately put into operation a part of the program of the great 
socialist leader by establishing national workshops. The ex- 
periment failed, but this failure and the events which accom- 
panied it form a part of the story of the rise of the new 
Napoleon which will be told later. 

102. The Revolution of 1848 in Germany. — All Europe was 
now profoundly stirred by revolutionary movements. These 
manifested themselves in the very strongholds of absolutism 
and repression, and shook them to their very foundations. In 
Germany the movement had two objects in view and its progress 
there followed two distinct lines. Like the earlier outbursts of Objects Sought 
1820 and 1830, it was in part a demand for constitutional guaran- 
tees against that tyranny and indifference to popular rights so 
characteristic of many of the rulers of the German states and 
principalities. On the other hand it represented the beginning of 
that sense of unity which knit together those of German birth. 

In many cases the rulers yielded readily to the demands for 
constitutions, and no blood was shed. The small states were the 



in Germany 



238 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Revolution 
in Prussia 



The Prussian 
Constitution 



Parliament 
of Frankfort 



first to be affected; it was not until March that Prussia felt the 
force of the reform movement. King Frederick William IV 
rather prided himself that his hold upon his faithful " Berliners" 
was so strong that nothing could come of the unrest which 
now manifested itself.in his capital. He willingly conceded the 
liberty of the press which the people demanded but was ready 
to stop there. He soon found, however, that the revolutionary 
movement had taken too deep a root to be checked by conces- 
sions of this sort, and on the eighteenth of March he was con- 
fronted by a serious uprising in the streets of the capital. 
Although the soldiers triumphed in the fighting which followed, 
the king bowed before the storm and not only promised a consti- 
tution of a most liberal character, but proclaimed his willingness 
to further by every means in his power the unification of Ger- 
many under Prussian leadership. When the delegates assem- 
bled to remodel the government along democratic lines, serious 
differences arose between them and the king and after a six 
months' session they were dissolved. The king and his min- 
isters then prepared a constitution which, although liberal in 
some particulars, still preserved many divine right features. 
"In Prussia," he declared, "it is necessary that the king 
govern and I rule because it is God's command." 

While these events were taking place in Prussia, represen- 
tatives from all over Germany were laboring in the city of Frank- 
fort to realize the long-cherished ideal of a united Fatherland. 
This goal, toward which so many patriotic souls had been striv- 
ing for years, seemed now about to be attained. The elite of 
Germany, from the standpoint of learning and culture, now 
came together as the result of a summons issued by a little 
group which met in Heidelberg and undertook to decide upon 
the form of union which should usher in this new Germany. 
Unfortunately, differences soon arose in this erudite assembly 
and precious months were wasted in fruitless discussions which 
led to nothing in the form of definite accomplishment. One 
of the most difficult problems before them was that presented 



STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT 239 ' 

by Austria. What should the new Germany include? Should 
it embrace Austria with its varied interests and its diverse races 
or should only the German portion of the Austrian Empire be 
allowed to participate; or again, should Austria be excluded alto- 
gether, as a state having little in common with the new Ger- 
many? With the reform wave at its height in the smaller states 
and with Austria and Prussia preoccupied with the revolutionary 
movements within their own borders, the future looked promis- 
ing indeed for the success of the work of the Parliament had the 
ideas of these patriots been crystallized into speedy action. 
The Parliament of Frankfort showed a dearth of men of action; • 
it was primarily a group of thinkers and theorists, ranging all 
the way from the advocates of a republic to the upholders of 
monarchy. The reform wave soon spent itself in the smaller 
states and was succeeded by the inevitable reaction. The rulers 
realized that this movement had its origin with the people and 
not with themselves and began to look askance at projects 
which did not have the sanction of the established authorities. 
When the assembly decided to exclude Austria altogether from 
the proposed union and when Austria and Prussia alike found 
themselves free to act in Germany proper, the tide began to Offer of the 
turn. By this time the delegates had decided upon a form of Q/°pr„gsia ^ 
government for united Germany and had agreed to offer the 
ruler of Prussia the title of Emperor. Frederick William shared 
with many of the German princes the distrust, already referred 
to, of a government founded upon the will of the people and 
refused the proffered crown. This was a great blow to the move- 
ment, and when Austria entered her protest against a plan of 
union from which she was altogether excluded, the doom of the 
project was sealed. 

Its more ardent supporters did not abandon the idea without 
a struggle and blood was shed in a vain, hopeless effort to 
achieve the impossible. King Frederick William was now foolish 
enough to think that he could attain the same result through 
the cooperation of the princes of the states concerned, but oppo- 



240 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Humiliation 
of Olmutz 



Centres of 
the Movement 



sition among their number, which had the support of Austria, 
also brought this attempt to naught. In Hesse Cassel the 
armies of Austria and Prussia stood face to face in hostile array 
and hovered on the brink of war. Instead of leaving the deci- 
sion to the settlement of arms a conference was held between 
representatives of the two governments at Olmutz and Frederick 
William was forced to drain to the dregs the cup of humiliation 





Reproduction of a Medal Honoring Kossuth 

An event connected with the Revolution of 1848 in Hun- 
gary was the visit of Louis Kossuth, the Hungarian patriot 
leader, to the United States in an effort to secure American 
intervention in behalf of Hungary. This medal was struck off 
in honor of his visit. The inscription reads, 

"Louis Kossuth, the Washington of Hungary. 

" Now in the name of eternal truth and by all that is sacred 
and dear to man since the history of mankind is recorded, there 
has been no cause more just than the cause of Hungaria." 

and to renounce for the moment all his pretensions to German 
leadership. The Confederation was restored in the form in 
which it had been constituted at Vienna. A decade and more 
was to elapse before Prussia recovered the prestige which she 
lost on this fateful occasion. 

103. The Revolution of 1848 in Austria.^ — The Revolu- 
tionary movements of 1848 saw the overthrow of the Austrian 
Chancellor Metternich, the one person who more than any other 
seemed to symbolize all the forces of reaction so characteristic 
of the period. There was perhaps no part of Europe so severely 
shaken by these movements as the dominions of the House of 
Hapsburg. Several distinct centres may be clearly recognized 
^ See map on p. 223. 



STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT 241 



Fall 

of Metternich 



where these outbreaks threatened to be most disastrous to its 
sway: namely, in Austria proper, in the city of Vienna; in 
Prague, the capital of Bohemia; in Hungary; and in Northern 
Italy. The news of the February Revolution in Paris was the 
signal in Vienna for a general 
uprising on the part of the stu- 
dents and workingmen, who 
called for the dismissal of Met- 
ternich and even sought his 
life. The government promptly 
yielded and the quondam dic- 
tator of Europe was forced to 
flee for his life, finding a haven 
with Louis Philippe in England, 
that Mecca of political exiles. 
At the same time Venetia and 
Lombardy threw off the Aus- 
trian yoke and sought incor- 
poration with Sardinia in a 
united Italy; and the Hun- 
garians, believing the time ripe 
for the enjoyment of a larger 
measure of local independence, 
raised the standard of revolt. The Serbs in the south and the 
Czechs in the north, especially in Bohemia, demanded recog- 
nition of their nationality and local self-government, and 
the whole empire seemed ablaze with the fires of revolution. 
The failure of these different nationalities to cooperate and the Lack of 
jealousy which made them ready to sacrifice each other for an ^^°^^'^^^°^ 
individual advantage, finally proved the salvation of the empire 
as a whole. Although the struggle was of the most stubborn 
character in some of the states involved, the ruler regained his 
authority. One great change marked the period, the abdica- 
tion of the weak incompetent ruler and the accession of Fran- Accession of 
cis Joseph, the ruler of the Dual Empire until 1916. ^'^"""'^ J^'^^p^ 




Francis Joseph 

The venerable Emperor of Austria, 
who linked the stirring events of '48 
with the European War of the pres- 
ent generation. 



242 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

104. The Revolutionary Movement in Italy. — The events 
which took place in Italy in 1848 can be best understood and 
appreciated by a glance backward over the years which immedi' 
ately preceded this great crisis. At the Congress of Vienna the 
Italian peninsula, in utter disregard of its geographical unity 
and its glorious past, had been treated as a collection of inde- 
pendent states destitute of any feehng of nationahty and bound 
Italy by no ties of common interest.^ The barriers which the Congress 

after 1816 ^£ yjgj^j^g^ sought to establish between these states soon proved 
to be of the most artificial character, and the thirty years and 
more which had now passed since 1815 had witnessed the forma- 
tion of two societies with branches throughout the entire penin- 
sula. These strove to reaUze, each in its own fashion, the 
ambitions of all Italian patriots — a united country, free from 
The Carbonari the sway of the hated foreigner. The Carbonari was the first 
and Young ^£ ^j^^^^ socictics, but the organization was secret in character 
and possessed few leaders of power and insight. The society 
of Young Italy gradually took its place, an organization which 
was largely the result of the activity and zeal of a pure-minded 
Mazzini Italian patriot, Mazzini, who was possessed heart and soul of 

this one ideal, a new, regenerated Italy. He beHeved that this 
result could best be attained by a campaign of education and 
sought through pamphlet and press to prepare the younger 
generation for the work before them and to inspire them with 
his own lofty ideals. There was perhaps a great deal that 
was visionary and impractical in his program. He was look- 
ing forward to the estabUshment of a republic. While others 
shared his hope of a united country, they differed radically as 
to the form of government best suited to accomplish their pur- 
pose. Although the spirit of nationality was strongly manifested 
throughout the peninsula, it was perhaps difficult to put it to 
good use on account of the conflicting opinions which prevailed 
as to ways and means and the results desired. The election of 
Pope Plus IX Pope Pius IX in 1846 aroused the hope among many Italians that 

^ See map on p, 269. 



STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT 243 

he might place himself at the head of a movement to unite Italy, 
as his accession to power was marked by a series of reforms 
which were in striking contrast to the order of things which had 
heretofore prevailed in the states of the church. He even 
went so far as to trust the laity with important details of the 
administration. This was the situation in the peninsula when 
Europe was swept by the Revolution of 1848. 

What happened is a tangled skein to unravel. In the indi- 
vidual states the demand was voiced for more liberal forms of 
government and the pressure upon the rulers was so great that 
for the moment there was a general yielding all along the line. 
The new pope soon showed how little reliance could be placed 
upon the leadership of the church; in fact, its very organization 
and claims to power tied the hands of its supreme head in a 
movement of this character. But the divided interests of 
Austria, whose occupation of northern Italy was perhaps the 
most serious obstacle to union, was too good an opportunty to 
be neglected, and the ruler of Sardinia, Charles Albert, offered Leadership 
himself as the leader of the movement to expel Austria and to ° ^^^^^^^^ 
consolidate Italy. The states of the north, and even the pope, 
appeared willing to fall into line and supply the necessary 
troops. Charles Albert, therefore, placed himself at the head 
of his own forces and was successful in wresting a few victories 
from the Austrians, but the effort was doomed to failure. The 
aid promised was not forthcoming; the pope repented himself of 
his rash resolve; and Austria, fortunately for herself, was 
possessed of an able general in Italy, Radetzky. He had first 
taken refuge in the powerfully fortified area in the north, 
bounded by the cities of Peschiera, Verona, Mantua, and 
Legnano, known as the Quadrilateral, and was soon in a position 
to inflict a severe defeat upon Charles Albert at Custozza. 

What followed throughout Italy did not augur well for any 
permanent results. A republic was set up in Venice; another in The New 
Rome. In the latter the radical element seemed to dominate Republics 
and the party of reform went much farther than the people were 



244 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Novara 
and the 
Accession 
of Victor 
Emmanuel II 



End of 

Holy Alliance 



prepared to support them. It was only a matter of time before 
both of these movements entirely collapsed. 

The Sardinian ruler, although much disheartened by the 
setback at Custozza, made yet another effort to dislodge the 
Austrians from the north, but suffered so decisive a reverse upon 
the field of Novara in 1849 that he not only abandoned his 
efforts but abdicated in favor of his son Victor Emmanuel II, 
who immediately set to work to recover what he could from 
the wreck and ruin of his family's fortunes. He was allowed 
to retain his ancestral possessions, but the victory at Novara 
marked what appeared to be the end of all plans for a kingdom 
of Italy. In the southern kingdom of the two Sicilies important 
concessions had been secured by the people at the moment when 
the revolutionary movement threatened to sweep everything 
before it, but when their king, Ferdinand, saw that the tide was 
turning, he repudiated these and again ruled in the same tyran- 
nical fashion as of yore. 

105. Results of the Revolution of 1848. — Although dis- 
appointment and failure seemed to be the lot of these efforts on 
the part of the people to break away from the oppressive system 
which had been imposed upon them, the year 5848 ushered in a 
new epoch which was not like the old. A new day was dawning 
for these advocates of popular rights and these defenders of the 
principle of nationality against the upholders of divine right 
and legitimacy. Proofs of this were not lacking to discerning 
eyes, even though to many the outlook after the Revolution of 
1848 was most discouraging. The fall of Metternich, the 
great bulwark of the system, the grant of constitutions, the 
reawakening of France and the impetus which she gave to 
liberal movements everywhere, the fall of the Holy Alliance 
with its meddlesome poHcy of intervention, finally the unrest 
itself, were one and all symptoms of that dawning consciousness 
of a new order where the relations of peoples to each other and 
of government and governed were to be regulated on terms 
which savored of that liberty and equality for which the patriots 



STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT 245 

of the French Revolution had once sacrificed their lives and 
treasure. 

106. Recognition of the Rights of the People in England. — 

In this same interval from 181 5 to 1848 a progress had been 
attained across the channel which was of a most encouraging 




Costumes of Men and Women, 1814 to 1824 

nature for those who felt the existing order to be contrary to 
every principle of right and justice. The people of the British 
Isles received a recognition which, although somewhat tardy 
from the standpoint of the development of England, still 
served as an example to her neighbors upon the continent. The 
Industrial Revolution had by this time made such headway in 
the land of its birth that the inequahties between man and man 
were nowhere more apparent, and nowhere did the people realize 
to such an extent the inadequacy of the government to meet 
the entirely new order of society consequent upon large-scale 
production. The unrest which marked the period following the 



246 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Act of 
Union, 1800 



Daniel 
O'Connell 



Catholic 
Emancipation 



Napoleonic wars has already been described. It was not until 
about 1830 that, under the influence of the movement upon 
the continent, the government began to remove some of the 
political barriers which separated the classes of people form- 
ing the population of the British Isles. 

The first reforms were directed at certain survivals of the 
period when religious intolerance reigned supreme. The laws 
against the Catholics were still harsh and exacting. Although 
they had been granted freedom of worship, they still labored 
under the disadvantage of being disqualified from holding any 
public offices. By the Irish Act of Union, which united Eng- 
land and Ireland in 1800, these political disabilities had been 
still further accentuated, as the younger Pitt had promised, but 
failed to secure, their entire removal in return for the support 
of the measure by the Irish Catholics. It was the political 
unrest in Ireland which finally brought this question before 
parliament in such a way as to call for immediate action. 
Daniel O'Connell, a great orator and Irish patriot, led the 
fight for the removal of these restrictions upon Catholics as 
to office-holding. He showed the Irish as never before the 
value of cooperation. An organization known as the Catholic 
Association was formed, with the object of removing the dis- 
abilities resting upon the Catholic population of the island. 
His efforts were so successful in arousing his own countrymen 
to action that the ministry of the great Duke of WelHngton, 
fearful of civil war, was finally forced to advocate relief 
measures and to insist upon the passage of the Catholic Eman- 
cipation Act. O'Connell had brought the question to an issue 
by standing for election as a member of the House of Com- 
mons from the county of Clare. He carried the election easily 
and demanded his seat. The Tories, who were then in power 
and had stood out against the measure, saw the futihty of 
further opposition, and in 1829 the act was passed. By its terms 
Catholics were admitted to all public offices with the exception 
of the Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland, the Chancellorship, and the 



STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT 247 

office of Regent. The Wellington ministry had already repealed 
the Test and Corporation Acts (1828) by which the taking of the Repeal of Test 
sacrament according to the form prescribed by the Church of ^nd^Corporation 
England was required as a qualification for office-holding. The 
ministry had yielded on this point; not, however, without first 
opposing these acts and being accused of a sad display of weak- 
ness. Some one has said of WelHngton: "he treated poHtics as 
if they were mihtary campaigns, and when beaten out of his 
position did not throw up the game, but gave way and only 
retired onto another similar position in the rear." These 
measures of tardy justice to English and Irish Catholics did 
little to relieve the situation in Ireland, which was aggravated 
by other ills. These were essentially of an economic nature and 
will be discussed later. 

This same epoch saw great changes in the administration of 
justice. The criminal law was harsh and exacting, imposing the The Reform of 
severest penalties for petty offences. The death penalty was *^® Criminal 
prescribed for some 200 offences. It could even be imposed in 
case of theft, where the value of the article was as low as twelve 
pence. Only the leniency of magistrates and bailiffs stood 
between an offender and penalties out of all proportion to the 
offences committed. Such a situation bred a disrespect for 
law and multiplied offences. A thoroughgoing reform was Romuiy 
carried through by such men as Peel and Romilly. *"** ^®®^ 

107. The Reform Measures of 1832-3. — The accession in 
1830 of William IV, the sailor prince, and the coming to power 
of the Whig Ministry of Earl Grey, marked the beginning of a 
new order in England, with the friends of reaction stubbornly 
contesting every inch of ground. A bill w^as introduced provid- The Reform 
ing for a redistribution of the seats in parliament and an exten- ^^^ °^ ^^^^ 
sion of the franchise. The revolutionary character of this 
measure may be realized by a glance at the system which it 
sought to replace. England was ruled by and in the interests 
of a few. The conditions of voting and office-holding were such Conditions 
that a very small group of individuals, drawn largely from the °^ Votmg 



248 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

landed aristocracy, were empowered to act in the interests of 
the masses. In the counties the right to vote was limited to free- 
holders, thus debarring great numbers who were merely tenants 
or who held land by copyhold — a form of land tenure which 
placed certain restrictions upon the owner. In the boroughs 




John Howard's Visit to a Peison 

John Howard the reformer is here shown visiting the wretched inmates 
of an English prison before the reform in the criminal law and in penal 
methods was made. 

and cities conditions were even worse. There was no uniformity 
of practice as to the right to vote, which was determined by the 
charter or by ancient custom. In some cities every tax payer 
had a vote; in others the selection of representatives was entirely 
in the hands of the city corporation. The disappearance of 
populous communities and the shifting of population which 
accompanied the progress of the industrial revolution had left 
the choice of members in some communities in the hands of a 



STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT 249 

single landholder or a small group of individuals. These were 
known as '^ rotten " or " pocket " boroughs. The new centres of " Rotten '» 
population had either no representation at all in parliament Boroughs* 
or an inadequate one. Great counties numbering thousands of 
voters had the same number of representatives as a small shire 
like Rutland. The two evils, (i) a narrow franchise and (2) 
an unequal distribution of seats, went hand in hand. One 
could not be properly adjusted without the other. The Re- 
form Bill of 1832, therefore, aimed (i) at a widening of the 
franchise by including copyholders and leaseholders in the 
counties who paid a rental of £10 a year and tenants paying 
£50 and conferring the franchise in the boroughs and cities 
upon all who paid rent to the amount of £10 yearly; and (2) 
at a redistribution of the membership of the House of Com- 
mons by giving communities like Manchester and Leeds a rep- 
resentation, abohshing the so-called " rotten " or " pocket " 
boroughs, or diminishing their representation, and assigning 
their members to the more populous communities. "This 
arrangement," says Oman, ''left the shopkeepers masters in the 
towns, and the farmers in the countryside. The artisans in the 
one, the agricultural laborers in the other, were still left without 
the franchise and had to wait, the one class thirty, and the 
other fifty, years before obtaining it." ^ 

It must not be assumed that this great triumph was won with- 
out hard fighting. The House of Lords stood out as the great Opposition of 
bulwark of the old order. When Lord John Russell introduced *^%House 

-' of Lords 

the bill in 1831, the measure was only carried by one vote on its 
second reading in the Commons. The ministry wished to 
resign, but the king would not hear to the proposal. He dis- 
solved parliament instead and called for a new election to test 
the sentiment of the country. The result was a majority of 136 
in favor of the bill. At this point the Lords placed themselves 
in direct opposition to the country to defeat the measure, and 
when the bill was submitted to them for their approval they 
1 England in the Nineteenth Century, p. 59. 



250 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Conservatives 
and Liberals 



The Abolition 
of Slavery 



Clarkson and 
WUberforce 



Factory 
Legislation 



rejected it by a large majority. Then was heard the cry 
throughout the country, ''The bill, the whole bill, and nothing 
but the bill." It looked very much as though the fate of the 
House of Lords would be tied up with that of the bill, so strong 
was the feeling against this body. Earl Grey even proposed 
the creation of sufficient peers to ensure its passage. Realiz- 
ing the crisis, they finally yielded, after various efforts to 
amend the bill and to render it innocuous so far as the old 
borough system was concerned. It was about the time of this 
struggle that the old party names of Tory and Whig began to 
give way to the present names of Conservatives and Liberals. 
The Tories came to be known by the former designation; the 
Whigs became the Liberals. 

The new parliament which the Reform Bill of 1832 brought 
into existence was responsible for several other measures pro- 
viding for much-needed changes in the existing order. It has 
been said that ''no session has been more fruitful of legislative 
activity than that of 1833." Perhaps its greatest achievement 
was the abolition of slavery in the British colonies. Public 
opinion was very strong against the slave trade at the time the 
Congress of Vienna was in session, and the Enghsh representa- 
tive had sought on this occasion to mitigate its horrors by 
understandings with the nations on the continent. This 
agitation had been accompanied by a movement for the abolition 
of slavery with leaders like Clarkson and Wilberforce. Their 
efforts were at last rewarded by the passage in 1833 of a measure 
providing for gradual abolition. Several millions of dollars 
were appropriated for the purchase of the slaves and their 
release. The colonies most affected were the West Indies, where 
the negro slave was used upon the sugar cane plantations, 
and the British possessions in South Africa. 

108. Other Social Reforms. — Even though the parliamen- 
tary leaders of this period did not see fit to place' the ballot in the 
hands of the factory workers, they yielded to the strong current 
of public opinion which had risen against the exploitation of 



STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT 251 

helpless women and children by the great capitalists: The desire 
to make money quickly had blinded the eyes of many of these 
factory owners to the hardships undergone by the men, women, 
and children in their employ. The hours were long and the 
conditions of labor such that the employee found himself in a 
position little better than that of the slave. The demand for 
hands was so great that children were taken from the poor- 
houses and public institutions and reared in a state of ignorance 
and degradation for the sake of the contribution which they 
could make to the yearly output. The workingmen were for- 
bidden to combine to protect their interests, and, not having the 
political power conferred by the ballot, their lot steadily grew 
worse. The same humanitarian wave which emancipated the 
slave bettered the lot of the white factory hand at home, 
and laws providing for shorter hours and more sanitary work 
rooms for the wage earner, were speedily enacted. A beginning 
was also made for a system of public education, the need for 
which had become more apparent with the rapid increase in 
population which followed the industrial revolution. In this 
particular, England lagged behind other countries and even 
today has still much to learn from her continental neighbors. 

Closely allied with this new factory legislation and the growth The Reform of 
of free trade was a new Poor Law enacted by the reform parlia- *^® ^°°^ ^*^ 
ment. The measures for relieving poverty up to this time had 
encouraged the shiftless and the lazy and had made it possible 
for factory owners to pay low wages, as these were often sup- 
plemented by relief funds supplied at the expense of the parish. 
The new arrangement made the burdens lighter upon each 
parish by grouping the parishes into unions and by the creation 
of a central board to supervise and control the local units. This 
put an end to some of the old and vicious practices by allow- 
ing the poor to go wherever work was to be found instead of 
restricting them to the parishes where they resided. 

These same industrial changes raised other questions of a 
more or less perplexing nature. By this time William IV had 



252 ESSENTIALS IN- MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Accession 
of Victoria 



Famine 
in Ireland 



Peel and the 
Repeal of the 
Corn Laws 



Labor 
Legislation 



The 

Chartists 



been succeeded by his niece Queen Victoria (1837). Her reign 
of 64 years witnessed some of the greatest progress yet attained 
in industry. As England developed more and more into a 
manufacturing country, it became more and more apparent that 
she must have markets for her wares and that she must depend 
upon the outside world for her food supply. A terrible famine, 
which wrought the greatest havoc in Ireland in 1846, due to the 
failure of the potato crop, brought the question of tariff restric- 
tions upon foodstuffs before the country in a forcible fashion. 
Sir Robert Peel, who was then prime minister, succeeded in 
carrying the repeal of the obnoxious corn laws (sec. 96). 
This was the easier to bring about at this time on account of 
a change of attitude on the part of the people, who were begin- 
ning to show decided leanings towards free trade. In 1838 an 
Anti-Corn Law League had been formed among the manufac- 
turing class, and they had carried on an active campaign to 
lower the cost of living. Such a movement to reduce the 
cost of living would enable them to cut down wages and thus 
compete more successfully with foreign producers. Peel's 
budget of 1845, providing for the public revenue, had also 
shown most decided leanings towards free trade in abolishing 
the export duties and the import duties on 430 articles of raw 
material. By the end of this epoch a long step had been 
taken towards placing England upon her present revenue basis 
by which no taxes are laid on imports such as raw materials, 
machinery, and articles used for food. 

Besides the steady advance of the free trade movement 
there is to be noted in the late 40's additional legislation 
bearing upon the lot of the working classes. In 1844 a law 
was enacted safeguarding them against dangerous machinery; 
and in 1847 a ten hour day was secured for all workers, both 
male and female. 

The agitation of 1848 on the continent was only partially 
reflected in England. In this year the Chartist movement 
reached its climax. The working classes, suspecting the mo- 



STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT 253 

tives of the organizers of the Anti-Corn Law League, who 
belonged to the employing class, had launched this move- 
ment in 1839, trusting to the old panacea of political power 
to reheve their distress. They formulated six demands 
known as the People's Charter. These were regarded as 
highly revolutionary in character, but would not be consid- 
ered radical today. They included manhood suffrage, vote 
by ballot, the abolition of a property qualification for mem- 
bers of parhament, equal electoral districts, annual parlia- 
ments, and the secret ballot. In 1848 they proposed to hold 
a monster meeting and submit a monster petition to parlia- 
ment. The government became alarmed and special deputies 
were sworn in to preserve order. Little came of the agita- 
tion. The petition was, it is true, presented in due form but 
in a quiet, unostentatious fashion. An enormous proportion 
of its 2,000,000 signatures proved to be fictitious and "chart- 
ism as a revolutionary movement collapsed amid derision into 
utter insignificance." 

SUGGESTIVE TOPICS AND QUESTIONS FOR 
FURTHER STUDY 

I. Of what ruler was it said especially that "he had learned nothing and 
forgotten nothing"? 2. Read the "Charter of 1814," and summarize its 
provisions in your note-books. 3. What important political questions were 
left unsettled by the Charter? 4. Explain how the Austrian possessions were 
consolidated by the Congress of Vienna. 5. Discuss Metternich's aims in 
Italy. 6. Give a sketch of the career of Bohvar. 7. Discuss the origin of 
the Monroe Doctrine. 8. Read Canning's proposal to the United States. 
9. Compare the diplomatic poHcy of the United States toward the European 
situations of 1822 and 1914. 10. Give an account of the revolution in Portu- 
gal. II. Give instances of Louis Philippe's attempts to merit the title of 
''bourgeois king." 12. Read England's statement at the outbreak of war 
in 1 9 14 covering the question of Belgium's neutrality. 13. Give a fuller 
statement of the theories of Louis Blanc. 14. Explain this statement, 
"The Prussian government still preserved many of its divine right features." 

15. Read an account of the deliberations of the Parliament at Frankfort. 

16. Show how Frederick WilHam was forced to drain to the dregs the cup 
of humiliation at Olmiitz. 17. Give a more complete account of the Revo- 
lution of 1848 in Hungary. 18. Why was the group of fortresses in the 
north of Italy called the "quadrilateral"? 19. Give instances of the 



254 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

tyranny of King Ferdinand of Naples. 20, Give a sketch of the career of 
Daniel O'Connell. 21. Review the Test and Corporation Acts. 22. Give 
instances of rotten or pocket boroughs, and explain what was done by 
Chatham, Wilkes, and Pitt in the eighteenth century in favor of their 
abolition. 

Collateral Reading 

I. The Reconstruction of Europe. 

Hazen, Europe since 1815, pp. 1-22. Robinson and Beard, Devel- 
opment of Modern Europe, Vol. I, pp. 343-62. Seignobos, Con- 
temporary Civilization, pp. 194-203. Fyffe, History of Modern 
Europe, pp. 380-7, 406-11. Hawkesworth, The Last Century in 
Europe, pp. 24-34. Hayes, Modern Europe, Vol. II, pp. 5-46. 
11. Reaction in Austria and Germany. 

Jane, Metternich to Bismarck, pp. 7-15. Hazen, pp. 23-44. Robin- 
son and Beard, Vol. II, pp. 12-7. Priest, Germany since 1740, 
pp. 76-84. Henderson, A Short History of Germany, Vol. II, 
pp. 324-38. 

III. Reaction and Revolution in Spain and Italy. 

Hazen, pp. 45-65. Robinson and Beard, Vol. II, pp. 17-28. Fyflfe, 
pp. 478-96. Shepherd, Latin America, pp. 69-81. Hawkes- 
worth, pp. 35-92. Jane, pp. 30-39, 74-7- Hayes, Vol. II, 
pp. 22-8. 

IV. France under the Restoration and the Revolution of 1830. 

Hazen, pp. 66-99. Robinson and Beard, Vol. II, pp. i-io. Fyffe, 
pp. 375-80, 603-20. Andrews, Historical Development of 
Modern Europe, Vol. I, pp. 134-79. Jane, pp. 17-30, 78-89. 
Hawkesworth, pp. 93-11 1. Hayes, Vol. II, pp. 14-20. 
V. Revolutions beyond France. 

Hazen, pp. 100-13. Priest, pp. 84-90. Andrews, Vol. I, pp. 257- 
75. Henderson, Vol. II, pp. 338-45. Jane, pp. 89-95, 97-102. 
Hayes, Vol. II, pp. 53-7. 
VI. The Reign of Louis Philippe. 

Hazen, pp. 114-44. Robinson and Beard, Vol. II, pp. 53-9. Fyffe, 
pp. 699-706. Andrews, Vol. I, pp. 276-345. Hawkesworth, 
pp. 161-78. Jane, pp. 109-16, 126-9. Hayes, Vol. II, pp. 116-23. 

Source Studies 

1. Charter of 18 14. Robinson and Beard, Readings, Vol. II, pp. 2-5. 

2. The government under Louis XVIII. Ibid., pp. 6-9. 

3. Charles X's governmental problems. Ihid., pp. 9-13. 

4. Invitation to Louis Phihppe to the throne. Ibid., pp. 13-4. 

5. Creation of the kingdom of Belgium. Ibid., pp. 14-6. 

6. Carlsbad resolutions. Ibid., pp. 20-3. 

7. Ferdinand's appeal to the Spanish- Americans. Ibid., pp. 33-5. 

8. Farini's description of Italy after the restoration. Ibid., 28-31. 

9. Metternich's theory of intervention. (Troppau) Ibid., pp. 36-8. 



STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT 255 

10. Holy Alliance. Ibid., pp. 38-40. 

11. The Monroe Doctrine. Ibid., pp. 42-4. Hill, Liberty Documents, 

pp. 321-328. 

12. O'Connell's policy, 1829. Colby, Selections from Sources of English 

History, pp. 303-6. 

Suggestions for Map Work 
I. On a map of the Netherlands show the boundaries of the kingdom of 
Belgium. 2. Show the territorial arrangements of central Europe from 
1815 to 1866. 3. On a map of South and Central America show the posses- 
sions of Spain and Portugal about 181 2. 4. On a map of Italy show the 
territorial divisions in 1820. 

Map References 

Shepherd, Historical Atlas. Holt. Central Europe, 1815-66, p. 158. 
Rise of the German customs union, p. 160. South America about 1790, 
p. 215. 

Dow, Atlas of European History. Holt. The German Confederation, 
1815-66, p. 28. Italy since 1815, p. 29. Exclusion of Spain and Portugal 
from South America, p. 31. 

Muir, School Atlas. Holt. Italy in the nineteenth century, p. 16. The 
German Confederation, p. 191. The world in 1830, p. 40. 

Robertson-Bartholomew, Historical Atlas of Modern Europe. Oxford 
Press. France, 1814-1914, No. 9. Germany, 1815-1914, No. 13. Prussia, 
1815-1914, No. 14. Italy, 1815, No. 17. Austria-Hungary, 1815-1914, No. 
21. Poland, 1815-1914, No. 28. 

Bibliography 
Andrews. Historical Development of Modern Europe. Two volumes in one. 

Putnam. 
Colby. Selections from the Sources of English History. Longmans. 
Fyffe. History of Modern EuropS. Holt. 
Hawkesworth. The Last Century in Europe. Longmans. 
Hayes. The Political and Social History of Modern Europe. Volume II. 

Macmillan. 
Hazen. Europe since 181 5. Holt. 

Henderson. A Short History of Germany. Two volumes in one. Macmillan. 
Hill. Liberty Documents. Longmans. 

Jane. Metternich to Bismarck, 1815-1878. Oxford University Press. 
Jeffery. New Europe, lySg-iSSg. Houghton Mifflin. 
Priest. Germany since 1740. Ginn. 
Robinson and Beard. Development of Modern Europe. Volumes I and II. 

Ginn. 
Robinson and Beard. Readings in Modern European History. Volume II. 

Ginn. 
Seignobos. Contemporary Civilization. Scribner. 
Shepherd. Latin America. Holt. 



CHAPTER IX 

THE ASCENDANCY OF NAPOLEON III AND THE 
NATIONALIST WARS, 1848-187 1 

109. Character and Aims of Louis Napoleon. — Prominent 
as France had been in the revolutionary movements of 1830 
and 1848, she still continued to be a centre of interest after these 
efforts had subsided. In fact her influence upon the course of 
European history became even more marked with the accession 
to power of Louis Napoleon as ruler of the so-called Second 
Empire. This new figure upon the scene was a nephew of the 
great Napoleon, a son of that brother whom he had once created 
King of Holland. Louis Napoleon had lived first in Italy, then 
on the Rhine frontier, and later in England during the interval 
which elapsed between the restoration of the Bourbons and the 
Revolution of 1848. He had followed closely all that had taken 
place in France during this time and on two separate occasions 
had placed himself at the head of movements to overthrow 
the existing government. He lived in an atmosphere of intrigue 
and conspiracy, allying himself as a young man with the Car- 
bonari in Italy and working from that time forward by secret 
and devious ways to attain power and influence. He was a 
born schemer, but not without certain ideals which furnished 
him with a motive for his activities. These ideals were in part 
the result of his heritage, as he had saturated himself in the 
doings of his illustrious relative and gloried in the fact that he 
was the "nephew of his uncle." He was convinced of his mission 
as the heir of the Napoleonic ideals and spent his early man- 
hood in writing and intriguing to secure recognition. Although 



THE ASCENDANCY OF NAPOLEON III 



257 



he was ridiculed by his contemporaries in consequence of his 
devotion to his idea and as a result of his absurd and dramatic 
efforts to realize it, he never lost sight of the desired goal and 
bided the time which he felt would arrive sooner or later when 
this relationship would prove of inestimable value. Signs were 
not wanting that a reaction had already set in decidedly favor- 
able to the life and career of the great Emperor. Just enough 





l. 










1^1 


1 








m 


l^m 





Costumes fkom 1S34 to 1S64 



time had elapsed to cast a halo about his deeds and to blot out 

the recollection of his acts of tyranny and oppression. Napoleon 

himself had labored during his closing years upon the island of 

St. Helena to whitewash his career and to prove to the world 

what a mistake had been committed in condemning to such a 

fate its would-be liberator. These efforts, accompanied as they 

were by such writings as Thiers' History of the Empire and 

Lamartine's poetry, had done much to create a fictitious The Napoleonic 

Napoleon, the friend of all mankind and the ideal ruler of the ^^send 

French people. Louis Philippe had sought to add to his own 

waning popularity by countenancing this teaching, bringing the 

ashes of the great conqueror back from St. Helena in 1840 to give 

them a magnificent burial in the Hotel des Invalides in Paris. ^ 

The idea which Napoleon himself had sought to impress upon 

^ See illustration p. 234. 



258 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The Form 

of Government 



Influence of 
the Socialists 



The National 
Workshops 



his countrymen, that he was the child of the Revolution, the 
instrument designated by Heaven to carry out its ideals, was 
now brought prominently to the fore, and no one strove with 
greater diligence to convince the French people of the truth 
of this claim than this "nephew of his uncle." 

110. The Second Republic and its Problems. — The Direc- 
tory had opened for the elder Napoleon the door of opportu- 
nity; the long-looked-for moment came to the nephew in the 
events which followed the Revolution of 1848. The government 
of Louis Philippe, the bourgeois monarchy, as it was known, 
had crumbled into the dust, leaving scarcely a vestige of its 
former existence. The provisional government soon gave way 
to a constitutional convention chosen by manhood suffrage. 
A ministry or executive committee of five was chosen and set 
to work to evolve a satisfactory form of government. A re- 
public was immediately proclaimed, but before it could be 
estabhshed upon a firm basis certain perplexing problems were 
raised as the result of the demands of the working classes 
for some relief from their condition of economic dependence 
upon the employing class and from their lack of work. They 
believed that the government should recognize, as a funda- 
mental right*, the right to work. The efforts to satisfy their 
demands, whether sincerely entered upon by those in power or 
not, led to serious consequences. Louis Blanc had emphasized 
the advantages which would accrue to the working classes if the 
government should organize industry by establishing national 
workshops. His idea seems to have been to subsidize certain 
industries but to leave the management of these in the hands 
of the workers. The experiment which was now tried by 
those in power differed radically from this proposal. All who 
offered themselves for employment were enrolled in battalions, 
companies, and the like, and were set to work upon the streets, 
the erection of public buildings, and the completion of various 
government undertakings. They were paid a certain wage 
when employed and allowed a certain stipend when there was 



THE ASCENDANCY OF NAPOLEON III 259 

not enough work to keep them busy. The government, with 
thousands of laborers upon its payrolls and with the number 
constantly increasing, soon found itself facing a serious eco- 
nomic crisis. It could only furnish work two days a week 
and could only pay eight francs a week. The result was dis- 
content, and on May 15 a riot occurred in the city of Paris. 
There was only one solution and that was to abandon altogether 
the national workshop idea. The closing of these was the signal street Fighting 
for the erection of barricades in the streets and an effort on the 
part of the working classes to overthrow the constitutional 
government. General Cavaignac was intrusted with the task 
of suppressing the insurrection and succeeded only after four 
days of fighting in which the city suffered considerably at the 
hands of the insurgents. 

When order was once more restored the new constitution which 
provided for manhood suffrage was submitted to the people 
and they proceeded to ballot for president. General Cavaignac 
was one of the candidates, as was also Louis Napoleon, who had 
already been chosen a member of the constitutional convention 
from several different districts, such was the popularity of his 
name. The full force of his connection with the dead emperor now 
made itself manifest. The propertied classes had been the worst 
sufferers in the events just passed. Business and commerce 
were at a standstill; property owners had seen their rents cut 
in half and more; and the peasants in the rural districts, with 
the increase in taxation, now found themselves saddled with 
the financial burden of the disastrous economic experiment so 
recently practised. The demand everywhere, as in 1799, was 
for peace and order and for that prosperity which was supposed 
to accompany it. The name Napoleon seemed to stand for just 
such a program. By an overwhelming vote, therefore, Louis Louis Napoleon 
Napoleon was elected President of the second French Republic, ^f the^ second 

Louis Napoleon for some time presented to his contemporaries Republic 
as much of an enigma as did his great namesake. The key to his 
career is perhaps to be found in his ambition to follow in the 



Louis Napoleon 



260 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

His Imitation footstcps of the great emperor. In 1849 he had written, "The 
of Napoleon I j^^^ig Napoleon is a complete program in itself; it stands for 
order, authority, religion, the welfare of the people within; 
without for national dignity." How far he realized this pro- 
gram, how far he was governed by the acts of his predecessor, 
how far he succeeded in building for himself a reputation com- 
parable to the first emperor, are questions of absorbing interest 
to students of the work of the great Bonaparte. 
Personality^ of The personality of this one upon whom the mantle of the great 
Napoleon had fallen deserves more than a passing notice. Like 
his uncle's, his figure was short and unimposing, with legs which 
seemed much too short for his body. His wooden features 
masked most effectively his inmost thoughts, and his half-shut 
eyes strengthened the impression of dulness and apathy conveyed 
by the countenance as a whole.. He has been pictured as a ver- 
itable Macchiavellian type, but he lacked the coolness and 
indifference to suffering which are usually associated with Mac- 
chiavelli's Prince. He was probably very much misunderstood 
and misjudged. His moral standards were probably little 
higher than those of the uncle whom he imitated, and his 
great weakness seems to have been an indecision which spelled 
disaster to many of his plans. He carefully weighed every 
method before adopting it, but unlike his model failed often to 
foresee the consequences of his acts and hesitated and drew 
back before his task was completed. There was much of the 
actor in his make-up. Time and again he showed a fondness 
for dramatic poses and stage setting, which often transformed 
a tragic situation into a veritable comedy. 

111. The Formation of the Second Empire. — The new con- 
stitution which had been intrusted to his hands provided for a 
complete separation of the legislative from the executive func- 
tions, but furnished no adequate method of bringing these two 
together and harmonizing them in case differences arose. Al- 
though clearly defective. Napoleon hoped to refashion it in 
conformity with his own ideas. The legislative assembly un- 



THE ASCENDANCY OF NAPOLEON III 261 

consciously played into the hands of the new president, who 
gradually absorbed all its power. As the end of his term of 
office as president drew near he made ready for the decisive 
step which was to make him virtual dictator. This coup-d^etat The 
was carefully arranged. He secured control of the army, ^°"p-^*^*** °* 
placed his personal friends in the chief positions of the govern- 
ment, and on the morning of December 2, 185 1, Paris awoke 
to find the city placarded with proclamations announcing the 
dismissal of the Assembly and proposing that Louis Napoleon 
be given the power of revising the framework of government. 
Several of the leading citizens had been arrested while still in 
their beds, and soldiers patrolled the city in the interests of 
the prince president. So much disgust had already been 
aroused over the attitude of the Assembly and so successfully 
had Louis Napoleon spread broadcast the idea that he was 
the friend of army, church, bourgeois, and peasant alike, that, 
with the exception of the radical element in Paris, which again 
indulged in street fighting, the country at large acquiesced in 
the coup-d'etat. When, a year later, in pursuance of his ulti- 
mate goal, the president asked through a plebiscite for an ex- 
pression of opinion as to the desirability of replacing the 
republic with an Empire, an overwhelming majority gave Establishment 
their assent, and the Second Empire came into being. The ^ *^^ ^ . 

■^ o Second Empire 

story of this transformation savors of sordidness and peanut 
politics. Such enthusiasm as attended the change was the 
result of a deification of Napoleon I and a bhnd faith that 
this new Napoleon was to usher in that golden age of which his 
great predecessor had sung in the days of his captivity and 
exile. 

"The new empire means peace," the new emperor had said in Policy of 
a speech delivered at Bordeaux in June, but events soon showed Napoleon in 
how little correspondence there was between this pronouncement 
and the reality. On the other hand, there can be no question 
as to the zeal with which the new emperor labored to promote 
industry, to improve the lot of the laboring classes, and to 



262 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Economic 
Development 



Causes of the 
Crimean War 



develop the resources of his country. His ambitions in this direc- 
tion he voiced in the following words: "I have many conquests 
to make. I wish to achieve economic and moral victories. 
Such are the conquests that I contemplate, and all of you who 
surround me, desire, like myself the welfare of the fatherland; 
you are my soldiers." 

The period of the empire was marked by the construction of 
railroads and canals, the founding of great banking and credit 
institutions, by the completion of the Suez Canal, and by various 
enterprises which suggested themselves for the promotion of the 
national welfare of the French people. There were few periods 
marked by greater prosperity. Fortunes were made with sur- 
prising rapidity and an atmosphere of comfort and plenty 
marked the next quarter century. 

112. The New Empire and Europe : The Crimean War. — 
But from the very beginning the ambitions of the new emperor 
reached far beyond the borders of France, as befitted a nephew 
of the great Napoleon. His desire seems to have been to secure 
once more for France that leadership of Europe which was once 
hers, to undo the work done at Vienna in 1815, to summon 
another congress, which, inaugurated under French auspices, 
should usher in a new era in the history of nations. He posed 
as a beUever in that doctrine of nationality which his great 
namesake had forgotten and the Congress of Vienna had 
ignored; in short, he stood ready to mix up in any complication, 
European, Asiatic, or American, which should redound to the 
glory of the Second Empire. He also felt the weakness of his 
position in France itself and thought to blind the eyes of French- 
men to their loss of freedom ^t home by brilliant exploits abroad. 

His opportunity for attracting European attention came with 
the Crimean War, which was partly of his own creation. Rus- 
sian designs upon Turkey and the revival by Napoleon III of 
certain claims to the protection of Christian shrines which had 
been formerly enjoyed by France but had been allowed to lapse, 
gradually brought Russia face to face with a war with Turkey 



THE ASCENDANCY OF NAPOLEON III 



263 




264 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



in which the latter was supported by England and France. 
The subjects in dispute and the conflict itself form one phase 
of the Eastern question which will be described later, but in this 
connection the Crimean War marked the entrance upon the 

scene of Napoleon III as an 
important factor in the shap- 
ing of modern Europe. This 
struggle, which broke out in 
1854 and closed two years 
later, was scarcely creditable 
to either France or England 
as a military or political un- 
dertaking. Mismanagement 
and lack of preparation were 
too much in evidence. The 
siege of Sebastopol was the 
chief episode of the war, and 
the death of the Tsar 
Nicholas and the accession of 
Alexander II opened the way 
The Holy Sepulchre ^^r peace negotiations. It 

Interior of the Church of the Holy was with the greatest satis- 
Sepulchre at Jerusalem. The question faction that Napoleon III sat 
as to whether the Greek or Roman i^„,„ „- ^.i ^ ^^„v^o;i foKl^ \^ 
Catholic Church should have the care ^own at the council table m 
of this shrine afforded Napoleon III an Paris and presided over the 
opportunity for the conflict with Russia ^pijUp^^tioTm wViirh remilted 
known as the Crimean War. deUberations wnicn resulted 

Peace of Paris in the Peace of Paris. He 

now felt that France once more had her rightful place among 
the nations. It was at this meeting that certain rules were for- 
mulated for the conduct of war and that Sardinia was able to 
formulate her grievances against Austria and plead for the sym- 
pathy of Europe. Her place at the council table was a victory 
for the diplomacy of Count Cavour, of which more will be said 
later. 

The Crimean War of 1854-56 was the first break in the 




THE ASCENDANCY OF NAPOLEON III 



265 



peaceful relations which had been maintained between the 
states of Europe for almost half a century.^ It ushered in a 
period of less than twenty years in which four other great 
conflicts raged; the Italian War of 1859, the Danish War of 
1864, the Seven Weeks' War of 1866 between Prussia and 
Austria, and the Franco-Ger- 
man struggle of 1870-71. 
Napoleon III, by entering into 
a struggle with Russia, had in- 
deed unchained the dogs of 
war and unwittingly he had 
also sounded his own death 
knell and sealed the fate of the 
Second Empire. Out of these 
wars arose a new Germany, a 
new Austria, a united Italy, 
and con temporary France. 
The framers of the Vienna 
treaties would scarcely have 
recognized their handiwork 
when these wars had ended. 

113. Mazzini and Cavour and the Struggle for Italian 
Unity. — The kingdom of Italy owes its existence to three men. 
King Victor Emmanuel II, Count Cavour, and Garibaldi, aided 
and abetted, as well as hindered, by Napoleon III. After the 
atmosphere had cleared in Italy in 1849 (sec. 104) the new 
king of Sardinia, ably assisted by Count Cavour as minister, 
set himself to the task so hopelessly abandoned by his pre- 
decessor, Charles Albert, after Novara. The ten years which 
followed were years of preparation. Mazzini had labored not 
in vain to create throughout the peninsula a strong yearning 
for unity and was still actively working to attain this result. 
To Cavour, however, must be accorded the credit for the Cavour 
statesmanship and diplomacy that made of Mazzini's dream 
^ See also in sec. 126. 




Count Cavour 
The great statesman of modern Italy. 



266 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



a reality. Cavour was a confirmed optimist at an epoch when 
the future looked black and hopeless and the obstacles seemed 
insurmountable. His little eyes twinkled behind his glasses, 
and his rotund face and figure accorded well with a disposition 
which was inclined to look upon the bright side and, when 
one method failed, to try another. The king was essentially 
a soldier, and it is very much to his credit that he placed 
implicit confidence in his minister and supported him in all 
his plans. Both were convinced that the motto of their pre- 
decessor that ''Italy can accomplish her task alone" must be 
abandoned, and they must look to outside help to remove the 
Austrian incubus and bring together the states of the penin- 
sula. Cavour, however, first proceeded to set the Sardinian 
territories in order and introduced measures for the encourage- 
ment of industry and the improvement of the well-being of the 
people. Railroads were constructed, taxation simplified, the 
power of the church restricted, and finally a national army was 
organized and drilled after the model of the larger states of 
Europe. 

Cavour saw that France under the rule of Napoleon III was 
most likely to lend a willing ear to his schemes to free Italy. 
When, therefore. Napoleon III suggested that Sardinia should 
throw .her weight in the balance against Russia in 1854 he gladly 
acquiesced, sending a small but well-drilled contingent to the 
Crimea. The Sardinians grumbled, but Cavour knew, as he 
remarked later, that while they were digging in the mud of the 
Crimean peninsula they were building out of that same mud a 
united Italy. The reward came in the admission of Sardinia to 
the deliberations at Paris in 1856, where, in spite of the remon- 
strances of Austria, Cavour ably presented the sad state of 
Italy under her domination. Cavour now sought a definite 
assurance of French assistance in the event of a war with Austria. 
The emperor hesitated, but finally, in a celebrated meeting with 
Cavour at Plombieres, yielded to the importunities of the 
Sardinian minister and agreed to support Sardinia with an army 



THE ASCENDANCY OF NAPOLEON III 2()j 

in case war should be declared upon Austria. Austria was 
warned of the impending conflict by the emperor at a reception 
to the foreign ambassadors. On this occasion he expressed his 
sorrow that the relations of France and Austria were not as 
friendly as of yore. Almost simultaneously King Victor Em- 
manuel in an address before the Sardinian parliament insisted 
that Italy's cry of suffering demanded speedy action. A pretext 
for war was soon found. Austria played into the hands of Ca- Austro- 
vour by serving an ultimatum upon Sardinia to disarm, and in ^^'^'^^^'^^ ^^^ 
1859 the struggle opened. Napoleon III brought 200,000 
soldiers into the Po Valley, and within a few months the 
combined forces had inflicted severe blows upon the Austrians 
at Magenta and Solferino. Napoleon III, however, seems to 
have taken alarm at these successes and to the astonishment 
and disgust of his ally hastened to conclude an armistice at 
Villafranca, which was a little later embodied in a more per- 
manent form as the Peace of Zurich. The Sardinian king and Peace of Zurich 
his minister felt that Napoleon had backed down before his 
task was half completed. Napoleon III was fearful of the 
intervention of Prussia as well as of complications with the 
Church and probably had no thought of calling into being a 
powerful Italian state to rival France. 

As a result of this treaty of peace Lombardy was united to Gains of 
Sardinia, and the French Emperor received as a reward for his Sardinia 

,^. , ^ , and France 

assistance Nice and Savoy. These latter were portions of the 

hereditary possessions of the Sardinian sovereign, but were in 

reality less Italian than the other territories which he ruled. 

The French Emperor had builded better than he knew. The 

hopes which he had aroused could not be stifled nor could the Annexations of 

forces which he had set in motion be diverted from their object, f/T*' 

•' ' Modena, 

and the people of the small states of Parma, Modena, Tuscany' Tuscany and 
and Romagna, who had already expelled their rulers, voted ^°™*ena 
by large majorities to unite with the new kingdom of Italy. 

114. The Completion of Italian Unity. — Meanwhile Gari- 
baldi had set sail from Genoa with a thousand red-shirted 



268 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Garibaldi and 
his Thousand 



Annexation 
of Naples 



volunteers to take advantage of the discontent in the South. 
Landing at Marsala, Sicily, his Httle army carried everything 
before it and crossing over to the mainland soon put to rout the 
forces of King Ferdinand II, the weak, narrow-minded ruler of 
the kingdom of the Two Sicilies. Cavour had secretly sup- 
ported Garibaldi's enterprise and now wished Sardinia to profit 

by it. The opposition of Napoleon 
III and the Pope were the principal 
obstacles in his path. The prob- 
lem presented by the power of the 
papacy was too deHcate and too 
closely connected with the interests 
of many of the states of Europe to 
precipitate a struggle just at this 
time. He was able, however, to 
throw the Sardinian forces under 
King Victor Emmanuel into Naples 
and not only incorporate the king- 
dom of the Two Sicihes, but the 
papal states of Umbria and the 
Marches as well. In every case the question of incorpora- 
tion with Sardinia was submitted to the people themselves 
and ratified by an overwhelming vote. The parhament of the 
new Italian kingdom was opened amid acclamations in the 
city of Turin in i860. Venetia and part of the papal states, 
however, were still to be won. 

These acquisitions came as the result of the two struggles 
which contributed so largely to the unification of Germany. 
Prussia had placed herself at the head of this movement, as will 
be discussed later. When Bismarck undertook to crush Austria 
he looked about him to secure either the active cooperation or 
the benevolent neutrality of the states who were interested in 
his efforts. He found in Victor Emmanuel a willing ally who 
was glad to throw the influence of the new kingdom upon the 
side of Prussia. Although the Italian army which he put in the 




Garibaldi 



THE ASCENDANCY OF NAPOLEON III 



269 




270 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Annexation 
of Venetia 



field against Austria was beaten on the battlefield of Custozza, 
the success of the Prussians at Sadowa made Prussia master of 
the situation and in the treaty which followed Bismarck was 
not unmindful of his ally, rewarding him with the coveted 
Venetian territories. 




Monument to Victor Emmanuel 

This magnificent monument, erected in the Piazza Venezia, Rome, in 
honor of Victor Emmanuel, the first king of united Italy, has only recently 
been completed. It stands but a stone's throw from the ancient Forum, 
and the Capitol Hill is directly back of it. 



Influence of 
the Franco- 
German War 
on the Unifica- 
tion of Italy 



Rome fell into the hands of Victor Emmanuel in consequence 
of the struggle between France and Prussia, which broke out in 
1870. The Emperor Napoleon was obliged to withdraw the 
French troops which had been placed there three years before 
and the troops of Victor Emmanuel occupied the city without a 
struggle. The pope, however, refused to acknowledge the 
incorporation of his state with the kingdom of Italy and shut 



THE ASCENDANCY OF NAPOLEON III 



271 





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272 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

" The Prisoner himsclf up in his palacc of the Vatican where he has continued 

^^ to maintain a court befitting his claims as a temporal ruler, 

receiving and sending representatives to those Catholic courts of 

Europe who continue to recognize his claims to princely author- 

itv. The King of Italy was careful not to alienate his CathoHc 




The \'aticax 

This unusual view of the Vatican Palace at Rome, the papal residence, is 
taken from the roof of St. Peter's Cathedral, which is nearby. The Vatican 
is the largest palace in the world, and contains the famous Vatican Library 
with its priceless collections of manuscripts, Christian antiquities, and jewels; 
museums with some of the greatest statuary and paintings in the world; 
and the exquisitely beautiful Sistine Chapel, on the walls and ceilings of 
which are the greatest works of art of all time. 



subjects by forcing the pope to recognize an established fact. 
The Italian parliament, to compensate the pope for his loss of 
revenue, has set aside a large annual grant for the maintenance 
of the successor of St. Peter in a state worthy of his position as 
the head of a great church. These moneys the pope has stead- 



THE ASCENDANCY OF NAPOLEON III 273 

fastly refused to accept, and to this day the occupants of the 
papal chair have hved and died within the sacred precincts of 
the Vatican palace and its grounds. 

Some of the problems before the new kingdom have already The 
been suggested. Besides this hostility between church and state ^nTprM^ 
and the divided allegiance it encouraged, which communicated of the 
itself to the political parties, there were such questions as ^^^a^"^**"™ 
taxation, education, and the maintenance of a proper position 
in Europe. Sardinia had not completed this task without 
piling up a certain legacy for its future leaders. The kingdom 
had been set up in part by force, and it seemed a wise policy to 
continue to maintain a large standing army. This involved 
additional taxation. The people of the peninsula had been 
misgoverned so long and so little attention had been paid to their 
welfare that poverty, ignorance, and crime were rampant, 
especially in the South. It was almost as big a task to create 
an enlightened progressive state out of this chaos as to evolve a 
pohtical union out of the geographical expression of 181 5. The Form of 
form of government which was devised to meet these tasks was °^ermnent 
simply an expansion of the constitution granted to Sardinia in 
1849 and resembled the English governmental system, providing 
for a parliament of two houses, a cabinet and a prime minister 
responsible to the law-making authority, and a kingship heredi- 
tary in the House of Savoy. The privilege of voting was 
restricted — perhaps wisely — to those possessed of certain 
educational qualifications, and seats in parliament were filled by 
an indirect method of choosing delegates. The Anglo-Saxon 
party system was unknown, but this does not mean that there 
were no parties. The word "party" had a different meaning. 
It is applied in Italy, as in so many of the other states of 
Europe, to certain groups. Like the glass in a kaleidoscope, 
they combine first in one way and then in another and lack 
permanency of existence and a continuous policy. 

115. The Rise of Prussian Leadership in Germany. — 
While the events just named were taking place, Germany 



274 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

was undergoing an equally important transformation. Napo- 
leon III again proved himself an important if albeit an unwill- 
ing factor in the creation of modern Germany. The aspirations 
The Failure of German patriots had been dealt a severe blow in 1848 
if Geraan ^^^^* ■^^^^' ^ movement originating with the people them- 
and its Lessons selvcs was apparently foredoomed to failure. One lesson 
taught at this time was that either Prussia or Austria must 
undertake the task of uniting Germany if there was to be a 
united nation, assuming, of course, that they could not work 
together to achieve this result. The map itself emphasizes this 
fact, with the east and the west controlled by Prussia, which 
stretched like a great dumb-bell across the territory included 
within the Confederation, and with the great Austrian mass 
thrusting itself int6 the very heart of Germany. It seemed 
most unlikely that the forty states would willingly give up any 
of their privileges or prerogatives. The strongest pressure 
must be exerted from without upon these petty principalities 
and kingdoms to effect a merging of their separate sovereign- 
ties into one powerful organism. They had already seen the 
advantages of union upon the economic side in the formation 
The and extension of the Zollverein or Customs Union which was 

ZoUverein launched by Prussia back in the early part of the century. 

Up to the time of its formation, trade between the different 
states had been almost as difficult to carry on as was the case 
between the different parts of France in the days before the 
French Revolution. One by one the states of the Confedera- 
tion of 181 5 had been admitted to this union, all but Austria, 
who was not wanted on any condition. 

The jealousy between Austria and Prussia had by this time 
become most acute. The humiliation of Olmiitz had given 
Austria the whip hand, and in the meetings of the Confederation 
her representatives assumed a conscious air of superiority. As 
president of the Confederation she dictated such terms as 
Prussia's pleased her to the other representatives around the council 

Darkest Hour ^^|^|g j^ ^^^g ^^^ ^f Prussia's darkest hours; but with the acces- 



THE ASCENDANCY OF NAPOLEON III 275 

sion of William I and the coming into power of Otto von Bis- 
marck the dawn began to break. Both William I and Bismarck 
were of one mind as to the future of Prussia and the task which 
lay before her. The conditions just described and the increas- 
ing possibility of a general European conflict involving the 
great states of Europe, so apparent in 1859 (sec. 113), showed 
the necessity of a strong army and of military prestige. When 
William I came to the throne he was a man of over sixty, waiiam i 
called to take up a great task in what seemed to be the very 
evening of life, not knowing at what moment death might 
call him to lay it down. He was possessed of a vigorous con- 
stitution, however, and contrary to his own expectations and 
those of his people, it was given him to pass another quarter- 
century and more in the service of his country — the most 
important period of his entire life. He was a soldier by train- 
ing, having seen service as far back as the War of Liberation 
(sec. 80), and he believed in the army. He was not a clever 
man, nor a great statesman; he was honest, straightforward, 
and possessed of a large measure of common sense. To his 
ministers he gave his entire support, although often doubting 
the wisdom of their measures. He presented a great contrast 
to the man whom he called to his side in 1862 to be the pilot 
of the fortunes of the HohenzoUerns. Bismarck had begun his Bismarck 
political career as the friend of Austria. After serving as a 
delegate in the meetings of the Confederation, his eyes had 
been opened and he became her confirmed enemy. Besides, 
he was convinced that there was only one way to make Prussia 
the leader of Germany, and that was by force. He belonged 
to the class which in England was known as the country 
squires. His was a big figure, with a massive head, from 
which shone piercing eyes crowned by shaggy eyebrows. He 
was a master of duplicity, and yet with all his lies and subter- 
fuges he combined a certain frankness and sincerity which was 
even more deceptive than his falsehoods. Although deeply 
religious, he took care not to let his piety interfere with his 



276 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Beginnings 
of Prussian 
Militarism j 



Struggle with 
the Legislature 



" Blood 
and Iron 



diplomacy, and presents, therefore, a curious combination 
upon which it is difi&cult to pass judgment. Brutal and over- 
bearing when master of the situation, he was inchned to give 
utterance to harsh, biting, epigrammatic statements when 
brought face to face with his adversaries. He was possessed 
of one aim, and that aim was never contaminated by personal 
or sordid motives. In this respect he was a true patriot, being 
willing to bear the brunt of all criticism and opposition for the 
sake of the country whose interests he served. 

116. Bismarck and the Reform of the Army. — Bismarck 
was called to the king's side at a critical moment in Prussia's 
existence. William I had set himself to the task of reorganizing 
the army and of enforcing the custom of universal service which 
had been instituted fifty years before in the effort to expel 
Napoleon. Although the law provided for three years of service, 
it was only possible with the moneys available to provide for 
two. Many were escaping the burden altogether, as there 
were not enough regiments organized to receive the recruits. 
William I immediately enlarged these regiments, thereby increas- 
ing the number of recruits from 40,000 to 60,000, and restored 
the three years of service. His plans were opposed by the Prus- 
sian Assembly, which objected to the financial burden involved. 
Then ensued a struggle between the king and the legislature, 
comparable in some respects to that between Charles I and his 
parliament, and it seemed as though one or the other must 
yield or a revolution ensue. Finally, in 1862, the legislature, i.e. 
the lower house, where the opposition centred, absolutely 
refused to sanction any further expenditures for the army. The 
king was on the point of abdicating when he was persuaded to 
call to his assistance Otto von Bismarck. The king and the new 
minister soon came to an understanding, and for the next four 
years Bismarck bullied and threatened and browbeat the 
opponents of the king's plans, maintaining them successfully 
against all opposition. The budget was framed and taxes col- 
lected without the sanction of the lower house, king and minister 



THE ASCENDANCY OF NAPOLEON III 277 

taking refuge behind the wording of the constitution, which was 
twisted to suit their plans. 

The newly created army was soon needed, as trouble arose The Danish 
between Denmark and the Confederation over the provinces ^" 
of Schleswig and Holstein. The difficulty was with reference 
to the possession of these two provinces — a question which had 
already disturbed the peace not alone of Germany but of all 
Europe. The rival claims and conflicting interests at stake are 
difficult of analysis. The English statesman. Lord Palmerston, The Schieswig- 
once said there were only three persons who ever understood the holstein 
Schleswig-Holstein question. One was dead, the second went 
mad, and the third was himself, and he had forgotten what it was 
all about. In the reopening of this problem in 1863, Bismarck 
saw not alone an opportunity of using the newly created army, 
but the possibihty of a final reckoning with Austria and ulti- 
mately the addition of some valuable seacoast to the Prussian 
dominions. The king of Denmark, in asserting his claims to 
the provinces, both of which were largely German in race, lan- 
guage, and culture, found himself in a position where right 
seemed to be on the side of his opponents. Prussia was 
anxious to settle the question by force, and Austria felt obliged 
to share with her the leadership of the enterprise, as it was a 
matter of great interest to the Confederation as a whole. It 
would not do for her to seem to give way to Prussia. War fol- 
lowed in 1864, and in a brief campaign the Danes were severely 
beaten, notwithstanding their heroic defence against over- 
whelming odds. They were finally forced to conclude a treaty 
by which the two provinces were turned over to the two victors. 
Then arose the problem of their administration. An agreement The Convention 
was drawn up between Austria and Prussia known as the Con- °* ^^^^^^^ 
vention of Gastein. By its terms, it would seem that Bismarck 
deliberately planned to make of the situation an occasion for 
a break with Austria. At any rate, Austria certainly played 
into his hands and gave him just the opportunity which he 
was seeking. 



278 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

117. The Seven Weeks* War and the Exclusion of Austria 
from Germany. — This assignment of one province to Austria 
and the other to Prussia created a very real difficulty for Austria, 
as her province of Holstein was far removed from the seat of 
government and, had the truth been known, she would probably 
Causes of havc been glad to be rid of it. That Bismarck was seeking to 

* ® " embarrass Austria and provoke her indignation seems to be 

shown by the conclusion at this time of a commercial treaty 
between the Zollverein and the Italian kingdom. When Austria 
showed her resentment by countenancing certain claims to the 
two duchies which were put forth by a native prince, the way 
was prepared for an open break. Austria's act was popular in 
Germany but was contrary to the Treaty of Gastein. Austria, 
however, declared the treaty at an end and appealed to the 
Diet of the German Confederation to sustain her in this action 
against Prussia. When the diet ordered the mobilization of 
troops, the Prussian envoy declared Prussia to be no longer 
bound by the terms of the Confederation and laid before the 
members proposals for a new union which should exclude 
Austria and accept Prussia instead as the head of the organi- 
zation. This invitation was spurned by many of the states, 
and war followed. Prussia not only faced Austria but almost 
all of Germany, as powerful states like Hanover lined up with 
Attitude Austria. Bismarck had already forestalled the possibiHty of 

European interference. The greatest source of danger was 
from France, because of her ambitious ruler, who had long 
sought to regulate not only French affairs but those of Europe 
as well. An alliance with Italy had been secured by the 
promise of Venetia, and, in an interview at Biarritz, Bis- 
marck secured the friendly neutrality of Napoleon III, prob- 
ably inspiring him with the hope that this attitude would be 
rewarded either by some cession of territory or by a similar 
benevolent neutrality when he should undertake to carry out 
some of those schemes which had long been fermenting in his 
brain. Napoleon III met his match as an intriguer in his deal- 



THE ASCENDANCY OF NAPOLEON III 279 

ings with the great Chancellor and was cleverly outwitted, as 
the future was to show. 

The armies of Prussia were so skilfully handled under the The Humbling 
masterly guidance of the great strategist, Von Moltke, that the °^ Austria 
struggle which Napoleon III had hoped would last for at least 
two years, or until both were exhausted, was terminated inside ' 
of seven weeks. Forces were first despatched against Prussia's 
foes in north Germany, and a concentration of the Prussian 
forces on the plains of Bohemia made easy the defeat of 
Austria's great army of 250,000. This battle, which is known Sadowa 
as Sadowa or Koniggratz, was, up to this time, one of the ' 

greatest conflicts in history in the number of forces engaged. 
The Austrians lost 40,000 in dead, wounded, and prisoners. 
Its results were decisive, as negotiations were immediately 
opened for peace, notwithstanding the success of the Austrians 
against the Italians on land at Custozza and at sea in the 
battle of Lissa. Bismarck was careful not to offend Austria 
unduly in the terms which he offered, as he foresaw that he 
might sorely need her friendship in the near future. He did 
not, therefore, ask for any cession of Austrian territory except 
Venetia, and was content with the annexation to Prussia of 
Schleswig and Holstein, Hanover, Hesse-Homburg, Hesse- 
Cassel, Nassau, and Frankfort, and with the incorporation of 
the remaining states of northern Germany in the new con- The North 
federation known as the North German Confederation, which ^®T^° .. 

' Confederation 

was formed under Prussian leadership. Austria was excluded 
from this or any future arrangement. 

The Confederation was composed of twenty-two states, i.e. 
of all the German states except those of the South, viz., the 
kingdoms of Bavaria and Wurtemberg, and the Grand Duchy 
of Baden. It was a federal union, as all the states retained 
control of their internal affairs. The government was com- 
posed of a Reichstag elected by universal suffrage, a Bundes- 
rath, or federal council representing the governments of the 
separate states and an hereditary president, the King of 



28o ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

Prussia, assisted by a chancellor. Provision was made for a 
powerful army, organized on the Prussian model and placed 
under Prussian leadership. By the organization of the North 
German Confederation, Bismarck had perfected the mihtary 
union of Germany. It now remained for him to realize a 
poHtical union. 

The exclusion of Austria from Germany was followed immedi- 
ately by an attempt of the former to set her own house in order. 
Ever since the Revolution of 1848 there had been unrest in the 
Austrian territories. For ten years after the revolution reaction 
had reigned supreme and the German element alone had received 
recognition. This condition could not last, as a strong nation- 
alistic feeling was shown by the Magyar element in Hungary. 
While the government was experimenting first with a federal 
and then with a centralized system of administration, the Seven 
Weeks' War broke out. The close of the war (1867) saw the 
settlement of the relations between Austria and the Kingdom 
The Ausgieich of Hungary by the Ausgleich or Compromise. By these ar- 
or Compromise j-angemcnts Austria and Hungary each formed entirely inde- 
pendent kingdoms with Francis Joseph as the ruler over the 
two. The crown was to be hereditary in the Hapsburg family. 
Each kingdom was to have its separate organization consisting of 
a ministry and a diet or legislature composed of two houses. 
Provision was made for a common ministry composed of three 
ministers, of foreign affairs, of war, and of finance. In addi- 
tion to this group of ministers, delegations elected by the 
Hungarian diet and the Austrian parliament met twice a 
year to consider matters of common interest to both realms, 
such as relations with outside states, and especially to pass 
upon the budget submitted by the common ministry. Each 
The Dual monarchy was also to have its own postal system. The two 

Monarchy interlocked kingdoms were known thenceforth as the dual 

monarchy. Although the principle of nationaHty was not fully 
recognized, a long step was taken in that direction. The em- 
peror issued a new constitutional law in December of this 



THE ASCENDANCY OF NAPOLEON III 281 

same year (1867), proclaiming equal rights for all the nation- 
alities composing the empire and guaranteeing to each the 
right to maintain and cultivate its own language. 

118. Intrigues and Enterprises of Napoleon III. — There 
was still south Germany to be won before Bismarck's work was 
complete. In the recent conflict these states had adhered to 
Austria and were little inclined to follow the lead of Prussia. 
Bismarck's opportunity to complete his task came as the result 
of the activities of Napoleon III. The disappointment of the 
latter that the war had terminated so quickly was keen, but his 
vanity had been flattered by the fact that he had been called 
in as mediator and that Venice had been turned over to him to 
be transferred to Italy. He now looked to Bismarck for the 
reward of his neutrality — for the little trinkgeld, as his enemies 
called it, which his services seemed to demand. All of his 
suggestions for an increase of French territory at the expense 
of the neighbors upon his northern frontier were not only 
flouted but were revealed to the intended victims, and the 
emperor soon found himself an object of suspicion in every 
quarter. So great was the fear which these overtures aroused AUiance 
among the south German states that they secretly alUed them- Qg^"^ states 
selves with Prussia in the event of a war breaking out between with Prussia 
them and France. 

The war cloud was fast forming between France and Prussia. 
Napoleon III had not only been thwarted in his ambitions to 
profit by the misfortunes of his neighbors and to extend the 
frontiers of his empire to the Rhine, but had suffered a severe 
reverse in the new world. As early as i860 he had conceived 
the idea of reviving a great Latin empire in the Western 
hemisphere, where French influence should predominate. The 
opportunity came with a revolution in Mexico. The successful Napoleon m 
leader brought upon himself European intervention by repudiat- ^ Mexico 
ing certain debts owed by the Mexican government to its foreign 
creditors, among whom were France and Spain. Napoleon III 
suggested an expedition to bring the Mexicans to terms, and his 



282 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Interference 
of the 
United States 



proposal was accepted and an army despatched in 1861. But 
when his alUes saw that the recovery of these moneys was 
merely a pretext to shape the future of Mexico, they quickly 
abandoned the enterprise. Napoleon thereupon sent larger 
forces and proposed to one of the factions in Mexico the accept- 
ance as their emperor of the Archduke Maximihan, the brother 
of the ruler of Austria and one time governor of northern Italy. 
He hoped by this suggestion to win the support of Austria and 
to square himself with the Pope and the orthodox Catholics, 
whose support he had lost by his attitude towards Italy. Vari- 
ous circumstances combined to bring about the failure of the 
project. Too great a distance intervened between Mexico and 
the base of operations, and unfortunately for his plans the 
United States, which up to this time had been preoccupied with 
the Civil War, now interfered (1865) and, invoking the Monroe 
Doctrine, adopted a threatening attitude toward Napoleon. 
He was therefore obliged to abandon his candidate, and the 
Emperor Maximihan, now forced to depend upon his own in- 
adequate resources, soon fell into the hands of a hostile fac- 
tion and was condemned to death and shot. The news of this 
failure was a serious blow to the prestige of the emperor, not 
alone in Europe but in France as well. He now felt it to be 
imperative to strike some blow in Europe which should coun- 
teract the effects of this catastrophe and give his dynasty in 
France a new lease of life. The most popular move he could 
make was against Prussia, which indeed, if unchecked, 
threatened soon to possess herself of the commanding position 
which he had sought to secure for France. 

119. Outbreak of the Franco-German War. — An opportu- 
nity soon presented itself in the effort to fill the Spanish throne, 
cL*?l.fi!f"*^^ which had become vacant through a revolution. Bismarck is 
said to have suggested as a candidate Leopold of Hohenzollern, 
a distant relative of the Prussian king, with the ulterior purpose 
of stirring up strife with France. Whatever his part may have 
been, this candidacy, aroused great opposition in France. "If 



The Question 
of the Spa 
Succession 



THE ASCENDANCY OF NAPOLEON III 



283 




284 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Trickery of 
Bismarck 



Interview 
at Ems 



Prussia is permitted to install a proconsul upon our frontiers, if 
the news is not false," declared one writer, ''we are 38,000,000 
prisoners." A protest was immediately lodged with the king of 
Prussia, as the head of the Hohenzollern family. He was asked 
to use his influence to secure the withdrawal of the candidacy 
of his relative. As the result of these efforts and the friendly 
intervention of England, Austria and Russia, Leopold refused 
to allow his name to be considered. By this time the temper of 
the French people had been aroused to fever heat, and a strong 
war feeling showed itself, particularly among the members of 
the legislature. The war party was not satisfied with the act 
of the king of Prussia in the renunciation of the prince but 
wished assurances from him that his relative would not be put 
forward as a candidate at any time in the future. Bismarck 
saw in the situation an excellent ground for war and probably 
did all in his power to bring matters to a crisis. This was not 
difficult, as the French Minister, Gramont, and the Empress 
Eugenie, supported by the war party, were utterly devoid of 
prudence and seemed bent on but one decision, an appeal to 
arms. Acting upon instructions from his government the 
French ambassador Benedetti sought an interview with the 
king of Prussia at Ems, where he was sojourning for his 
health, to secure from the Prussian ruler a complete dis- 
avowal of any interest in this candidacy, present, past, or 
future. The interview was twisted by the press of France and 
of Germany, with the aid of Bismarck, into an insult to Prussia 
on the one hand, and to France, on the other. The French 
government, as perhaps Bismarck had expected, declared war 
first, and with this move the carefully laid plans of Moltke and 
Bismarck were put into immediate execution. 

The Franco-German War of 1870-71, like its predecessor, the 
Seven Weeks' War, was a conflict waged on scientific principles. 
The forces were moved by the aid of the railroad and telegraph 
like pawns upon a chess board, dependence being placed upon 
massing the forces where they would deal the most effective 



THE ASCENDANCY OF NAPOLEON III 



285 




blows. The story goes that Moltke, upon hearing the news Preparedness 
of the declaration of war, drew from a cabinet a series of docu- °^ Prussia 
ments in which every step in the mobilization had been care- 
fully worked out and that 
these plans were carried 
out almost to the letter by 
the Prussian staff. The 
mobilization of the French 
forces stands out in sharp 
contrast with the foresight 
and preparedness shown 
in Prussia. Although the 
French leaders had 
boasted of their readiness, 
''even to the last button," 
and had pointed with pride 
and confidence to their 
achievements upon the 
battlefields of Magenta 
and Solferino, events soon 
revealed the demoraliza- 
tion which prevailed and the political corruption which every- 
where undermined the entire military organization. Com- 
manders were without maps of the localities in which they 
were to operate; soldiers were without equipment; officers were 
without the armies which they were supposed to lead. Too 
much confidence was also placed in the supposed weakness of 
their adversaries. From almost the very outset of the struggle 
the advantages were all on the side of Prussia. The southern 
states of Germany supported her most loyally, and Napoleon 
was not only disappointed here, but found himself entirely 
isolated in the struggle, without a friend in Europe. Bis- 
marck's plans had been carefully laid; nowhere was there a 
move among the other European nations to intervene in behalf 
of France. 



Gen. von Moltke 

Gen. von Moltke was the military- 
genius who planned the strategy of the 
Franco- German War. 



Demoralization 
of the French 



Isolation 
of France 



286 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

The Campaigns The battle-fields of the war were upon French soil, as the 
French attempt to invade Germany came to nothing. Directed 
as they w^re by a single brain, the Prussian armies cooperated 
with each other most successfully, whereas the French forces, 
lacking this, were outgeneralled and beaten upon every impor- 




Napoleon III AND Bismarck 

In sharp contrast to the splendor of the court scene shown on page 263 
is this scene showing the broken Emperor Napoleon III after the battle of 
Sedan, discussing the terms of his surrender with the haughty Bismarck. 



tant battle-field. A great force under Bazaine was shut up in 
Metz, and Napoleon himself, with another great force under 
MacMahon, was surrounded and forced to give battle under 
most unfavorable circumstances at Sedan. Then followed one 
of the most decisive defeats in history, in which the French 
army finally surrendered to forces led by King William himself. 
Napoleon was taken prisoner, and when the news of the disaster 
reached Paris his deposition was decreed and a republic pro- 
claimed. The battle of Sedan saw the second empire pass out of 



THE ASCENDANCY OF NAPOLEON III 



287 



existence. After his release Napoleon spent the rest of his days Fail of the 
in England. The large force shut up in the great fortress of ^^'°"^ ^'^^^'^ 
Metz was practically betrayed by its commander and disgrace- 
fully surrendered. The final operations of the war centred 




Bismarck's Peace Terms 

Bismarck lays down the terms of the conqueror before the representatives 
of the French nation. At the right Thiers is stricken with humihation at 
the tremendous price which France must pay for her unpreparedness. In 
the background Favre has risen from his chair as if to protest against the 
humihating terms. Bismarck is scornfully indifferent to their distress. 

about the city of Paris, which was subjected to one of the 
severest sieges in its history. 

120. The Close of the War and the Formation of the German 
Empire. — The proclamation of the republic had been followed 
by the organization of a Government of National Defence. The 
outcome of the struggle now rested largely in the hands of 



288 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 




THE ASCENDANCY OF NAPOLEON III 289 

Thiers and Gambetta. The former sought to secure aid, Establishment 
but without success, from the various courts of Europe; Gam- xhird Republic 
betta escaped from Paris in a balloon and sought to arouse 
the provinces and to organize new armies for the relief of the 
capital. The odds, however, were too great to be overcome. It 
is true that armies were raised, but they were often ill-equipped 
and imperfectly drilled. Although they displayed great valor 
they were no match for the splendid military machine created by 
the genius and foresight of their antagonists. Alsace and Lor- 
raine had been entirely lost in the opening campaigns ; the invest- 
ment of Paris was more and more complete, so that food became siege of Paris 
scarce and the hardships of the siege were sorely felt. Negotia- 
tions were opened for peace. Although the Government of 
National Defence had declared that they would not cede one 
inch of French soil, they were forced to accept the harsh terms 
imposed by their conquerors — the cession of Alsace and Lor- Terms of Peace 
raine with the great fortresses of Metz and Strasburg, which 
maintained an open door into French territory, and the payment 
within three years of what appeared in those days to be a huge 
war indemnity, $1,000,000,000. 

The terms were signed by the officials of the newly created Establishment 
German Empire, which received its finishing touches while the oennan Empire 
siege of Paris was still in progress. Bismarck cleverly prevailed 
upon some of the south German princes to invite King William 
of Prussia to be the ruler of united Germany, and amid great 
acclamations he was proclaimed German Emperor at a mag- 
nificent ceremony in the hall of mirrors of the palace at Ver- 
sailles. The form of government adopted for the North 
German Confederation in 1867 became the basis of the govern- 
ment of the new German Empire. Had the step now taken 
depended upon King William of Prussia alone, it is doubtful if 
he would have taken it at all, as he had more than once hesitated 
in crises of this sort. The Iron Chancellor, however, was at his Triumph 
elbow and overcame by clever management any scruples which p Bismarck's 
he might have had. Long days and nights he had labored to 



290 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 




THE ASCENDANCY OF NAPOLEON III 291 

bring the opportunity to pass and he did not propose to let the 
prize sHp through his fingers. The pohcy of blood and iron 
had triumphed. The success of the work the future was to 
demonstrate. 

SUGGESTIVE TOPICS AND QUESTIONS FOR 
FURTHER STUDY 

I. Describe the February revolution. 2. Explain why the socialists were 
temporarily in control and what results followed. 3, Show how the capi- 
tahsts regained control of the government. 4. Explain the electoral law of 
May, 1850. 5. Describe the reestablishment of the, empire. 6. Compare the 
coHp-d'etat of Napoleon I with that of Louis Napoleon. 7. Show the des- 
potic character of Napoleon Ill's government. 8. Prove the prosperity of 
France under his rule. 9. What was Metternich's estimate of the February 
revolution in France? 10. Summarize the history of Switzerland from 
1814 to 1848. II. Discuss the problem of nationahty in Austria-Hungary. 
12. Give a biographical sketch of Kossuth. 13. Give an account of the 
March revolution in Vienna. 14. What became of Metternich? 15. De- 
scribe the reforms in Hungary. 16. What reforms were demanded by Lom- 
bardy-Venetia? 17. Describe the meeting of the national assembly at 
Frankfort. 18. Give an account of the failure of the revolution in Bohemia 
and Austria. 19. Give an account of the beginning of the reign of Francis 
Joseph. 20. Comment upon the statement, "You Magyars are only an 
island in an ocean of Slavs." 21. Describe the republican movements in 
Italy, 1848-9. 22. Show how the king of Prussia thwarted the attempts 
of the Prussian people to obtain a constitutional government. 23. Give 
biographical sketches of the following: Mazzini, Pius IX, Victor Emmanuel 
II, Cavour, Garibaldi. 24. Compare Cavour's foreign policy with that 
of Italy today. 25. Discuss Napoleon Hi's role in ItaUan unification. 26. 
How was the creation of united Italy related to the creation of the modern 
German empire? 27. Describe the Itahan constitution. 28. What is the 
present relation between the kingdom of Italy and the Pope? 29. Explain 
how economic conditions paved the way for poHtical union in Germany. 
30. Was Bismarck responsible for the European War of 1914? 31. De- 
scribe the Schleswig-Holstein affair. 32. What were the two aims in forming 
the North German Confederation? 33. Give an account of the Maxi- 
milian episode. 34. Show the bearing of each of the following on the 
Franco-German war: the question of the Spanish candidature, the Ems 
despatch, the desire of Prussia for leadership in Germany. 35. Discuss the 
terms of the treaty ending this war in the light of the European War of 1914. 

Collateral Reading 

I. The Second Republic and the Founding of the Second Empire. 
Hazen, Europe since 1815, pp. 187-214. Robinson and Beard, De- 
velopment of Modern Europe, Vol. II, pp. 59-71. Fyffe, History 



292 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

of Modern Europe, pp. 809-23. Andrews, Historical Develop- 
ment of Modern Europe, Vol. I, pp. 320-62; Vol. II, pp. 1-41. 
Jane, Metternich to Bismarck, pp. 156-62, 184-9. Hawkesworth, 
The Last Century in Europe, pp. 206-11, 253-61. Hayes, Mod- 
ern Europe. Vol. II, pp. 150-63. 
11. Cavour and the Creation of the Kingdom of Italy. 

Jeffery, The New Europe, pp. 270-83. Ogg, Governments of Europe, 
pp. 353-98. Hazen, pp. 215-39. Robinson and Beard, Vol. II, 
pp. 84-6, 90-8. Fyffe, pp. 715-8, 738-9, 742-7, 770-81, 866- 
908. Andrews, Vol. II, pp. 91-145. Seignobos, Contemporary 
CiviHzation, pp. 269-81. Stillman, Union of Italy, 1815-95. 
Cesaresco, Cavour, pp. 73-220. Hayes, Vol. II, pp. 163-75. 

III. Bismarck and German Unity. 

Hazen, pp. 240-71. Robinson and Beard, Vol. II, pp. 79-80, 86-9, 
109-18. Priest, Germany since 1740, pp. 91-113. Henderson, 
Short History of Germany, Vol. II, pp. 348-410. Seignobos, 
pp. 281-99. Ogg, pp. 193-204. Hawkesworth, pp. 308-28. Jane, 
pp. 208-29. Headlam, Bismarck, pp. 162-314. Hayes, Vol. II, 
pp. 180-206. 

IV. The Franco-German War. 

Hazen, pp. 285-302. Robinson and Beard, Vol. II, pp. 118-23. 
Jeffery, pp. 324-43. Priest, pp. 113-9. Henderson, Vol. II, 
pp. 411-50. Jane, pp. 230-52. Hawkesworth, pp. 329-46. Head- 
lam, pp. 315-76. Hayes, Vol. II, pp. 175-80, 198-201. 
V. Spain and Portugal in the Nineteenth Century. 
Clarke, Modern Spain, 1815-98. Hazen, pp. 564-78. 
Ogg, pp. 603-46. Gooch, History of Our Time, pp. 65-81. 
VI. The Scandinavian States. 

Hazen, pp. 592-600. Ogg, pp. 553-601. 
VII. The Low Countries. 

Hazen, pp. 579-83- Ogg, pp. 517-51. 

Source Studies 

1. Louis Blanc's version of the workshop experiment of 1848. Robinson 

and Beard, Readings in Modern European History, Vol. II, pp. 82-4. 

2. Dr. Evans's characterization of Napoleon III. Ihid., pp. 92-4. 

3. Signs of revolt in Venetia and Lombardy, 1848. Ibid., pp. 96-7. 

4. Decree estabHshing the Roman repubhc, 1849. Ihid., pp. 98-9. 

5. Kossuth's address to the people of the United States. Ihid., pp. 103-8. 

6. Mazzini's instructions to the members of Young Italy. Ihid., pp. 1 15-8. 

7. Cavour's views. Ihid., pp. 118-9. 

8. Napoleon III justifies his intervention in Italy. /6fi., pp. 122-3. 

9. Garibaldi describes his work in Sicily and Naples. Ihid., pp. 126-8, 

10. Pope Pius IX on the unification of Italy. Ihid., p. 130. 

11. A review of the economic situation in Italy, 1906. Ihid., pp. 138-41. 

12. Bismarck's views on the crisis in Prussia. Ihid., pp. 142-4. 



THE ASCENDANCY OF NAPOLEON III 293 

13. King William explains to his people the cause of the war with Austria. 

Ibid., pp. 144-6. (Compare with William IPs explanation of the 
Great War of 1914.) 

14. Bismarck and the Austro-Prussian War. Ibid., pp. 146-50. 

15. Bismarck and the Franco-German War. Ibid., pp. 158-61. 

16. Proclamation of the German empire at Versailles. Ibid., pp. 163-5. 

17. Basis of the constitution of Austria-Hungary. Ibid., pp. 165-8. 

18. The Austrian election of 1906. Ibid., pp. 171-4. 

19. The undemocratic government of Hungary. Ibid., pp. 174-5. 

20. Bismarck on cabinet government. Ibid., pp. 176-7. 

Suggestions for Map Work 

I. On an outhne map of eastern Europe show the territorial divisions at 
the time of the Crimean War. 2. On an outline map of Italy show the vari- 
ous steps in the process of unification. 3. Show the North German Confed- 
eration; illustrate the Schleswig-Holstein affair and the Austro-Prussian 
War. 4. On a map of western Europe show the campaigns of the Franco- 
German War. 5. Draw a map of the Empire of Austria-Hungary, show its 
political divisions, and indicate the problems of nationality. 

Map References 

Shepherd, Historical Atlas. Holt. Rise of the German customs union 
before 1834, p. 160. The customs union since 1834, p. 160. The North 
German Federation and German Empire, 1866-71, p. 161. Unification of 
Germany, 1815-71, p. 161. The unification of Italy, 1815-70, p. 161. South- 
western Crimea, 1854, p. 164. Distribution of races in Austria-Hungary, 
p. 168. 

Dow, Atlas of European History. Holt. The German Confederation, 
1815-66, p. 28. North German Confederation and German Empire, p. 28. 
Development of the German customs union, p. 28 ^ Italy since 1815, p. 29. 

Muir, School Atlas of Modern History. Holt. The growth of Prussia in 
the nineteenth century, p. 20. Growth of the Hapsburg dominions, p. 21. 

Gardiner, Atlas of English History. Longmans. Southeastern Europe, 
1856, p. 60. 

Robertson-Bartholomew, Historical Atlas of Modern Europe. Oxford 
Press. France, 1814-1914, No. 9. Germany, 1815-1914, No. 13. Prussia, 
1815-1914, No. 14. Italy, 1815-1914, No. 17. Austria-Hungary, 1815- 
1914, No. 21. Poland, 1815-1914, No. 28. 

Bibliography 

Andrews. Historical Development of Modern Europe. Two volumes in one. 

Putnam. 
Cesaresco. Cavour. Macmillan. 

Clarke. Modern Spain, 1815-1898. Cambridge University Press. 
Fyffe. History of Modern Europe. Holt. 



294 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

Gooch. History of Our Time. Holt. 

Hawkesworth. The Last Century in Europe. Longmans. 

Hayes. The Political and Social History of Modern Europe. Volume II. 

Macmillan. 
Hazen. Europe since 1815. Holt. 

Headlam. Bismarck and the Foundation of the German Empire. Putnam. 
Henderson. A Short History of Germany. Two volumes in one. Macmillan, 
Jane. Metternich to Bismarck, 1815-1878. Oxford University Press. 
Jeffery. The New Europe, lySg-iSSg. Houghton. 
Ogg. The Governments of Europe. Macmillan. 
Priest. Germany since 1740. Ginn. 

Robinson and Beard. Development of Modern Europe. Volume 11. Ginn. 
Robinson and Beard. Readings in Modern European History. Volume 11. 

Ginn. 
Seignobos. Contemporary Civilization. Scribner. 
Stillman. The Union of Italy. Cambridge University Press. 



CHAPTER X 
THE EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASU AND IN AFRICA 

The Near East and Africa 

121. Conditions Favorable to the Spread of European 
Influence in Asia and in Africa. — The states of Europe had long 
shown an interest in colonial enterprise and in the opening up . 
of new lands across distant seas. Their activities in the new 
world and in the great empire of India form one of the most 
important aspects of the history of modern times. As late as 
the middle of the nineteenth century there were still great areas 
of the earth's surface comparatively untouched and all but 
unknown. The years which followed the advent among the 
nations of the two new states of Germany and Italy witnessed a 
renewal of colonial activity and a keen interest in the vast con- 
tinents of Asia and Africa. This interest not only resulted in 
the spread of European civilization to the uttermost parts of 
the earth, but widened so tremendously the bounds of European 
history that it has merged itself with world history. The ex- Merging 
planation of this latest phase of a movement which dates back ^. ^"'"^p^^" 
to the sixteenth century is to be found in part in the great andWorid 
strides in the means of transportation and communication and ^^^^^^^ 
in commerce and industry which mark the period since 1870. 

The transforming force of the industrial revolution in England The 
in the eighteenth century has already been described in some ^ent of' Trans- 
detail. Wonderful changes followed the improvements in the portation and of 
means of transportation through the introduction of steam, the ^^^^ ^ 
building of roads, and the opening of canals. Even greater 
miracles in the annihilation of space and the saving of time 



296 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Roads 



Railroads 



Improvements 



mark the later periods, especially the epoch which opened about 
1870. The possibihties of the steamship, the railroad, the 
telegraph, and the canal were realized as never before in the 
history of man, and the improvements of the past half century 
have been of such a nature as to revolutionize these agents and 
accomplish results which have fallen very little short of the 
marvellous. 

Much perhaps still remains to be learned about road con- 
struction, but road-building has everywhere been carried 
forward with greater zeal, making accessible the most remote 
corners of the earth. An illustration of this is the great highway 
which France has begun, extending far out into the wastes of 
Sahara. The great roads of France and Germany, which may 
be compared to the great arteries which gave life and unity to 
the Roman Empire, are matters of warrantable pride to the 
people of those countries. In the field of railroad construction, 
all the great transcontinental lines, with the exception of the 
Union Pacific in our own country (opened in 1869), have been 
built since 1870. Among the most important of these are the 
trans-Siberian, completed in 1899, and the Cape to Cairo line, 
which lacks but the link across Central Africa from El-Obeid in 
the Sudan to Ehzabethville in the Belgian Congo. Besides 
these there are several great lines in the process of construction, 
such as the Bagdad railroad and the trans-Sahara. Steel has 
replaced wood in the construction of rolling stock; the block 
signal system has added materially to both safety and speed in 
the movement of trains; and the Pullman car has made travel- 
ling almost as comfortable as a sojourn in a luxurious drawing- 
room. The engines have been enlarged and improved until 
now we have great giants capable at one and the same time of 
pulling tremendous loads and of maintaining a high rate of 
speed. A recent invention is the electric locomotive, which 
promises to effect even greater changes. There has also been 
a marked increase in car capacity and train load, thus reduc- 
ing freight charges. Government ownership, or stricter govern- 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 297 

mental control, has gone hand in hand with the perfecting of 
railway mechanism and a better organization of railway traffic, increase 
Every country has increased its railroad mileage with each °^^^«*ge 
decade. The total European mileage increased from about 
65,600 miles in 1870 to 195,000 miles in 1909. In 1880 there 
were only 584 miles of railroad in Africa; in 1909 there were 
19,207 miles. The smallness of the earth and the ease with 
which it can now be girdled may be illustrated by a com- 
parison of the globe trotting record of a quarter century ago 
with that of 1913. In 1890 Miss Nelly Bly encircled the globe 
in 72 days; while in 1913 Joseph Mears made the journey 
in less than half the time. The importance of the railroad 
in the European War of 19 14 cannot be overestimated. To 
a greater degree than in any preceding struggle the fortunes 
of "war have hinged upon the possession of adequate railway 
facilities. 

The advance in marine transportation has been no less Ocean 
remarkable than the growth of the railroad and the extension ^^^^8^"°^ 
of roads. With the single exception of the ''Great Eastern," 
which made her maiden trip in i860, the largest ships of the 
period before 1880 were less than one half the size of the ocean 
Titans of today, and the rapid growth of steamship lines has 
amazed the sceptics who doubted the success of this method of 
transportation. Carlyle wrote, on the occasion of the launching 
of the "Great Western," which was the first steam vessel to 
cross the Atlantic entirely under its own steam (1838), "It was 
proved by calculus that steamers could never get across from 
the farthest point of Ireland to the nearest of Newfoundland; 
impelling force, resisting force, maximum here, minimum there, 
by law of nature, and geometric demonstration; — what could 
be done? The ' Great Western ' could weigh anchor from Bris- 
tol Port; that could be done. The Great Western bounding 
safely through the gullets of the Hudson, threw her cable out 
on the capstan of New York, and left our still moist paper 
demonstration to dry itself at leisure." Of the present trans- 



298 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

atlantic steamship lines the oldest is the Cunard started in 1840. 
In the next two decades the Hamburg- American and North Ger- 
man Lloyd began to compete with the English firm. Today 
there are forty or more great steamship companies throughout 
the world, and the ships are larger, swifter, and safer than any- 
thing dreamed of by the pioneers in this enterprise. 




The Entrance to the Suez Canal at Port Said 

In 1 84 1 de Lesseps studied the isthmus and planned to interest the Khedive 
in the construction of this canal to connect the Mediterranean and Red Seas. 
The canal was begun in 1859 and completed in ten years at a cost of 
$100,000,000. The stock of this undertaking is now worth about $150,- 
000,000, and it brings in over $5,000,000 annual revenue. Compare with 
these figures the following concerning our own Panama Canal. It was 
begun in 1904 and completed in 1915 at a cost of about $375,000,000. It 
is owned by the United States government, so there is no stock value, but 
the net earnings for the first ten and a half months were about $230,000. 



Ocean navigation has been greatly benefited by the opening 
of great ship canals. The Suez Canal, opened in 1869, connects 
the Mediterranean with the Red Sea and thus provides a shorter 
route from Europe to the Far East than the older route around 
the Cape of Good Hope. The Panama Canal unites the waters 
of the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and its advantages are 
obvious. The Kaiser Wilhelm or Kiel Canal, between the Baltic 
and North Seas (completed in 1895), is of great strategic and 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 299 




J Hi, INVOLUTION OF THE TELEPHONE EXCHANGE 

In these two pictures of the development of the telephone, one notes not 
only the greater complexity and systemization of the modern exchange, but 
also that women have taken the place of men as operators. 

commercial importance to Germany. With many other lesser 
water-ways they bind the world more closely together and are 
aiding in the extension of European civilization over the whole 
world. 

The operation and advancement of land and sea transporta- 
tion have been aided tremendously by the invention of the The Telegraph 
telephone, the telegraph, the marine telegraph or cable, and 



300 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Wireless 
Telegraphy 



Cables 



Wireless 
Telephone 



Modern 
Business and 
the Desire 
for Markets 



especially of the wireless telegraph. While formerly the ocean 
held terrors for all seafarers, and the man embarking on a 
long voyage felt as if he were gambling with the elements, 
today he is almost as safe on shipboard as in his own home. 
All ocean liners carry wireless outfits, and if any accident 
peculiar to the sea happens to the ship as a result of storm, 
fire, icebergs, or collision with another vessel, S. O. S., the 
wireless call for help, will bring several ships to the rescue. 
The telegraph on land permits a speedier and safer operation 
of trains, the rapid transaction of business, and a prompt 
coordination of governmental activities in time of national 
need, such as war or other disasters. The cable, or submarine 
telegraph line, enables the transmission of messages carried 
by the electric current through an insulated cable under sea 
and ocean. In the fall of 191 5 wireless telephonic messages 
were transmitted from Arlington, Va., to the Pacific coast, and 
stray messages were picked up by operators in Hawaii. As 
one telephone expert says, the time may soon come when one 
can drop a coin in the slot of a telephone in New York City and 
talk with a friend on the Place de I'Gpera, Paris. Many, if not 
all, of these improvements have received a great impetus since 
1870 from the rapidly expanding industry and commerce of 
the world. On the other hand, commerce and industry have 
in turn prompted the perfecting of these distance-defying 
devices of man. 

The modern organization of business favors in a peculiar 
manner the spread of western ideas throughout the world. 
Commerce and manufacturing are now conducted on a large 
scale, a circumstance which has relieved industry from most of 
its hazard, instability, and wastefulness, and has given to it 
greater certainty, regularity, and economy. As the output of 
these great industrial enterprises has increased, there has come 
the demand for more markets and for a greater supply of raw 
materials. The older centres of civilization having failed to 
satisfy these demands, the nations concerned have reached out 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 301 

into the hitherto unexploited continents. Commerce could not 
be carried on with these distant fields were it not for the perfec- 
tion of banking and credit facilities, the further extension and use Banking and 
of which have been characteristic of the past half century. The Credit Faculties 
merchant of Liverpool, for example, trades with the merchant of 
Capetown, in Africa, and is paid by a draft on London. Such 
a relation may explain in part the desire of a nation to maintain 
its sway in a remote corner of the world, or at least to create 
conditions there which will facilitate rather than handicap its 
expanding trade relations. A greater sensitiveness of trade 
has, therefore, resulted. Conditions in Europe influence and 
are influenced by conditions in Africa, in Asia, or in South 
America. For this reason it has seemed to the European powers 
almost a matter of self-preservation to secure or to maintain 
dominion over the farthest corners of the globe. Thus the 
rivalry for commercial supremacy between nations like Great 
Britain and Germany has at times threatened to change the 
map of distant continents. 

The increase of population at home, which followed in the Over- 
wake of the industrial revolution, often led to economic distress. P^P^Jftio^ 

. . and Emigration 

The prospect of obtammg an easier livmg in the new trade col- 
onies, coupled with the desire for change and adventure, main- 
tained a more or less steady flow of emigration from Europe to 
distant lands across the seas. In some cases the mother country 
viewed with alarm this loss of her sturdy sons and sought some 
outlet for this surplus population where they might stifl remain 
under the same flag. These efforts may be iUustrated by the 
colonial activities of Germany and Italy. 

The spread of religious teaching has always accompanied Rise and 
colonial endeavor and in some cases actually preceded it. The Mi's^g^on^* *^^ 
Protestant and Catholic missionary movements, which had Movement 
their origin back in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, 
have had much to do with the interest of Europe in Asia and 
Africa in our day. The course of political events in those con- 
tinents has been greatly influenced by the work of missionaries, 



302 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



who in many instances acted as explorers and as empire 
builders. Men like Robert Morrison, the pioneer Protestant 
missionary in China, have had no little influence upon the 
awakening of China. The name of David Livingstone, a 
Scotch missionary, will always be associated with the opening 
up of Africa. Medical missionaries also have been invaluable 
in the work of spreading European civihzation; and education 
and industrial training have gone hand in hand with religious 
teaching. 

122. European Rivalries and the Growth of Imperialism. — 
It is only within the past half century that Europe has begun to 
place a high value upon colonial activity. The older ideal of na- 
tionahsm, which statesmen labored for centuries to set before 
the people as the goal of their highest endeavor, began about 1870 
to be supplanted by a larger ideal, that of imperialism. In its 
earliest developments this showed itself in a greater sensitiveness 
to injuries or insults sustained by the citizens of a country. It 
was soon coupled, in the case of aggressive nationalities, with 
the ambition to get for themselves a larger "place in the sun"; 
to obtain control over as much of the earth's surface as 
possible; and to be the creators and administrators of a great 
far flung empire. This incentive for acquiring colonies became 
the stronger as it became clearer that no considerable transfers 
of territory were to be expected in Europe. 

A new force was now added to the various incentives which 
had heretofore prompted the formation of international alliances, 
the desire to obtain through united effort sufficient strength 
to hold together colonial empires in distant lands. In 1881 
Italy was angered at the seizure by France of Tunis, the region 
of ancient Carthage and the hoped-for seat of future Italian 
colonial expansion. Already thousands of Italian colonists 
had begun the development of that portion of northern Africa. 
Accordingly, in 1882, Italy joined the alliance between Germany 
and Austria-Hungary, which had been formed some years 
before to resist among other things Russian aggressions in the 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 303 

Balkan states. The accession of Italy transformed a Dual 
Alliance already existing between Germany and Austria into 
the Triple Alliance, which lasted until 1915 (sec. 143). 

This alignment of the central European powers made necessary 
a new alliance to offset its influence. Signs of its coming were 
not lacking. In 1904 France and England came to an agreement 
concerning their hitherto conflicting interests in Africa. The 
following year, at a conference of the European powers at 
Algeg:iras in Spain, England disclosed her intention of support- 
ing France, if need be, against Germany. In 1907 a treaty 
between England and Russia rounded out a new triple league, 
which is called the Triple Entente — entente implying an under- The Triple 
standing rather than a definite promise of aid, as does the word ^"*®°*® 
alliance. The Great European War, however, saw this Entente 
promptly converted into an alliance in every sense of the word. 
In 1 9 14 Italy refused to join her Teutonic allies on the ground 
that her alliance with them demanded her aid only in event of 
their fighting a defensive war, whereas the present war was 
one of aggression, and 191 5 saw the end of the Triple Alliance. 
Italy formally joined the Entente and invaded Austria-Hungary. 
Although African and Asiatic interests were perhaps not entirely 
responsible for these combinations of powerful states, they have 
had no small part in creating them and in keeping them in 
existence. 

123. The Nature and Origin of the Near Eastern Ques- 
tion. — The new and awakened interest in Asia and in Africa 
which marks the period since 1S70 was due, as has been shown, to 
a variety of causes. It early manifested itself in a series of suc- 
cessful efforts to reclaim a large part of Europe from the sway 
of an Asiatic people, who had long menaced its institutions and 
culture. These were the Turks, who had captured Constanti- Beginnings 
nople in 1453 and for the following two centuries had hovered £^^5^^°"°"^'^ 
like a black cloud over southeastern Europe. The selfishness 
and jealousies of so-called Christian nations had had much to 
do with the continued presence of the Turks upon European soil, 



304 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

and even in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries they 
placed many an obstacle in the path of the solution of what 
came to be known as the Near Eastern Question. The European 
dominions of Turkey had reached their widest extent in the days 
of Louis XIV. With the opening of the eighteenth century, 
however, the Ottoman Empire began to shrink. A century ago 
the shrinking process began to proceed with greater rapidity, 
owing to the weakness of the Ottoman rulers and to the sense of 
nationality aroused in their European subjects by the stimulat- 

The ottoman ing influences of the French Revolution. In 1815, however, 
mpire in ^j^^ Turkish empire in Europe was still a fair-sized one. It in- 

cluded all the present territories of Greece, Bulgaria, Roumania, 
Serbia, Bosnia, Herzegovina, a part of Montenegro, and Albania. 
These lands were inhabited by various races, but the pre- 

The Race dominant race was that of the Slavs, among whom were to be 

found the Serbs, Bulgars,^ and Croats, cousins to the Russians 
and Poles. It was therefore natural for the Russian government 
to sympathize with the Serbs and other kindred folk in their 
desire for independence from the Moslem yoke. It also accorded 
with the traditional aim of the Tsars to get control of Constanti- 
nople, the original seat of authority of the head of the Greek 
Church, and to reestablish the Byzantine Empire under Russian 

Pansiavism control. Russian agents everywhere in the Sultan's dominions 
were early at work, urging their fellow Slavs to revolt from 
Turkish rule and to enter upon a movement to unite all the 
Slavs under one leadership. This movement in its later phases 
has been called Pansiavism. 

England's Although England was not the territorial neighbor of Turkey, 

Near^Easr ^ ^ ^^^ ^^^^ Commercial interests made the Balkan or Near Eastern 
question one of supreme interest. As early as the reign of Eliza- 
beth, the Company of Merchants of the Levant had begun to 
develop trade with the possessions of the Sultan in the ^Egean 

1 Although Mongolian in origin, the admixture of Slavs and the fact 
that they have been subjected to Slavonic influences seem to justify their 
classification as a Slav people. 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 305 

Sea and in Asia Minor. The settlement of the Near Eastern 
Question would materially affect these existing trade relations. 
When England secured a foothold in India there were addi- 
tional reasons for her interest in the Near East because of the 
trade routes which passed through the Turkish dominions. 
The Sultan of Turkey was also Caliph or religious head of 
all Mohammedans throughout the world, and a large part of 
the population of India had accepted the dogma that there 
was but one God and Mohammed was his Prophet. Austria, Austria's 
besides being h^rseh an empire with a large Slavic element, ^"t®^®^*^ 
had borne the brunt of the attack of the invading Turks since 
the fifteenth century and, now that the tide was receding, hoped 
to gain new territorities ; yet she was fearful of Russia's power 
to arouse the Slavs of her own dominions against her. France 
had been the traditional ally of Turkey since the day when by 
attacking Vienna, the Sultan had aided France in her war with 
Austria. France also regarded herself as the protector of the France's 
Roman Catholic subjects of the Sultan, just as Russia was the 
defender of Greek Catholicism. With such a conflict of interests 
beween the great powers of Europe, no one nation could at- 
tempt to solve the riddle of the Turk without fear of what 
the other nations might do. 

Very little headway was made in the solution of the Near 
Eastern question down to the close of the Franco-German War. 
Whatever results -were attained in the recovery of part of 
Christian Europe from the sway of the Infidel centre about 
the Greek War for Independence, the career of Mehemet 
Ali in Egypt, and the Crimean War. A beginning had thus 
been made in the solution of the Near Eastern problem. 

124. The War for Greek Independence. — While Napoleon 
was riding to his fall in 18 14, a secret organization, known as the 
''Friendly Society," was being organized by Greek patriots. 
This society had as its aim the liberation of the Greeks from 
Turkish rule. Under the leadership of Prince Alexander Ypsi- YpsUanti 
lanti, a member of the family of Greek governors placed over 



3o6 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Revolution 
of 1821 



The Greek 
Republic 



Byron 



Mehemet Ali 



Foreign 
Intervention 



Navarino 



the Roumanians by the Turkish government, the standard of 
revolt was raised in the Danubian provinces by a small army 
of young Greeks. Although this revolution speedily failed, 
the idea of revolution was not so easily banished from the minds 
of the Greek patriots. In the spring of 182 1 a universal uprising 
was launched against the Turkish garrisons, and by summer the 
whole country south of the Malian and Ambracian gulfs, except 
the stronger fortresses, was in the hands of the patriots. The 
work of organizing a provisional government went on slowly, 
but by the following spring a constitution had been adopted; 
Corinth had been chosen as the capital of the new state; and the 
blue and white flag had been raised over its citadel. A Turkish 
invasion was checked by the generals of the young republiK By 
1823, however, so much friction had arisen between the various 
factions that it was evident that the Greeks would not endure 
the rule of one of their own countrymen. It was at this time 
that the great English poet Byron came to Greece to share in 
the work of liberation. Civil war arose between the factions, 
and in 1825 the Sultan summoned his vassal Mehemet Ah, the 
pasha or governor of Egypt, to help suppress the revolution. 
With the coming of Mehemet's son Ibrahim to the Morea, the 
district formerly known as the Peloponnesus, the second stage of 
the War for Independence began. The Turkish-Egyptian armies 
were uniformly successful, even the Acropolis of Athens falling 
again into Ottoman hands. In despair the Greeks looked to the 
great powers for support and elected as president Count Capo 
dTstria, a Greek statesman who had long been in the service 
of the Tsar. In July, 1827, Great Britain, Russia, and France 
signed in London a treaty, pledging immediate intervention on 
■behalf of the Greeks. This was a direct blow at the aims and 
purposes of the Holy Alliance and was contrary to the wishes 
of Prince Metternich. The effects of this step were soon ap- 
parent. The Turkish and Egyptian fleets were nearly annihi- 
lated at the battle of Navarino; a French army drove the Turks 
out of the Morea; and in the north the Turks were defeated in 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 307 

Boeotia and forced to withdraw. The War for Independence Establishment 
was ended. Capo d'Istria now attempted to rule Greece with °J Greece*^*^°™ 
a firm hand in order to prevent a repetition of the civil strife, 
but was assassinated because of his severity in handhng the 
situation. The powers then proposed Prince Otho of Bavaria 
as king of Greece, and in 1833 he began his reign. 




A Glimpse of Two Continents 
In this view, showing a part of the city of Constantinople, one sees both 
Europe and Asia and the narrow waters of the Bosphorus. 



125. The Struggle between Turkey and Egypt. — Mehemet 
Ali of Egypt, to whom reference has already been made, was 
more interested in constructive reforms in his own country than 
in the reconquest of the Greeks. One of the ablest men of his 
day, he wished to extend the reforms which he had made in 
Egypt over all the Ottoman dominions. He sought to restore 
to the empire of the Turks some of its former prestige and power. 
When his efforts to carry out his plans were thwarted at Con- 
stantinople by jealous rivals, he began a war on his sovereign. 
In this war he had the moral support of France, for it was with 



Policy of 
Mehemet Ali 



308 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Interference 
of Russia 



Humbling of 
Mehemet Ali 



Causes 



French assistance that most of his reforms had been introduced 
into Egypt. His successful armies swept over Asia Minor and 
even threatened Constantinople. This success did not accord 
with the plans of Europe for Turkey and when the Sultan 
appealed to Russia, a Russian army was landed to oppose 
Mehemet, who, however, compelled the Sultan to recognize 
him as ruler of Syria and adjacent territories as well as of 
Egypt. As the price of Russian aid, Turkey agreed to close 
the Dardanelles to the warships of all nations, thus placing in 
the hands of Russia peculiar opportunities for intervention in 
Turkish affairs. Six years later the Sultan reopened the war 
against Mehemet, but was again defeated. England, Austria, 
and Prussia intervened on behalf of the Sultan, attacked 
Mehemet Ali in Syria, and compelled him to submit. His 
Asiatic possessions were taken from him, but Egypt was given 
back as a hereditary province under nominal Turkish suzerainty.^ 
The allies entered into a treaty guaranteeing the integrity of 
the Turkish Empire, thus postponing the day when the fate 
of the Turkish Empire would be finally determined. 

126. Russia and the Crimean War. ^ — Russia evidently 
looked upon this treaty as merely "a, scrap of paper," for within 
the next ten years the Tsar Nicholas I proposed to England the 
division of the Ottoman Empire. England was to receive 
Egypt and Crete, while he was to have most of Turkey in Eu- 
rope, including Constantinople.^ Upon the refusal of England 
to be a party to the plan, he sought another excuse for an attack 
on Turkey, namely, his championship of the Greek Catholics. 
Just at this time a quarrel had broken out between the Greek 
and Roman Catholics at the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem. Each 
demanded exclusive rights in performing religious services there 

1 This suzerainty was ended in 1914 when Egypt became formally a 
British Protectorate (see page 321). 2 See sec. 112. 

3 The Tsar remarked at this time to the British ambassador, referring to 
the condition of Turkey: ''We have on our hands a sick man — a very sick 
man; it will be a great misfortune if one of these days he should slip away 
from us, especially before all necessary arrangements were made.^' 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 309 

and appealed to the Turkish government. On historic grounds, 
dating as far back as the Crusades, the Roman CathoHc rehgious 
orders had the weight of the argument in their favor. The 
Turkish government, however, in its anxiety not to offend 
either Napoleon III or Nicholas I, who stood behind the two 
churches, interpreted these rights in a different way to each 
of the states concerned. The negotiations were so handled by 
the British representative at Constantinople that the Tsar 
finally sent an ultimatum to the Turkish government, de- 
manding a Russian protectorate over the entire Greek Catholic 
Church. This was in effect a demand for as great a power 
over the internal affairs of the Turkish Empire as had ever 
been claimed by a Gregory VII or In*iocent III in mediaeval 
Europe, and neither Turkey nor the powers of Western Europe, 
whose protegee she had become, were willing to grant the de- 
mand. The Emperor Napoleon III of France, moreover, had 
a personal grievance against Russia in that the Tsar had not 
accorded full recognition to his assumption of the imperial title 
besides being the recognized protector of Roman Catholic in- 
terests in Palestine. 

The Tsar did not expect European intervention, however, 
and began a ''crusade" against Turkey. Diplomatic notes were 
exchanged between the great powers of Europe, all to no avail, 
and in the year 1854 Russia found herself confronted by an 
allied army of Turkey, Great Britain, France, and Sardinia. The 
allies invaded the Crimean Peninsula, in southern Russia, thus 
giving the war its name, and compelled the recall of the Russian 
troops from the Turkish frontier for the defence of Russia. 
During the conflict the warlike Nicholas I died and was suc- 
ceeded by the more liberal Alexander II (sec. 146). The Peace The Peace 
of Paris in i8s6 took from Russia the protectorate over the °^ ^^^^^ *°** 

the Near East- 

Danubian principalities, Wallachia and Moldavia, which were em Question 
afterwards united to form the principality of Roumania under 
Turkish suzerainty. Russia furtherrnore lost her right to keep 
a fleet on the Black Sea. This war had several important 



310 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The 

Macedonian 

Outrages 



Participation 
of the 
Balkan States 



Treaty of 
San Stefano 



The Congress 
of Berlin 



results. It placed the buffer state of Roumania between Rus- 
sia and Turkey; it won added recognition to the plea for inde- 
pendence made by the subject peoples of the Balkan peninsula; 
and besides proved an important factor in the movement for 
the liberation of Italy (sec. 113). 

127. The Russo-Turkish War and the Congress of Berlin. — 
The next great upheaval in the Near East came with the Russo- 
Turkish War of 1877-78. All the preceding developments were 
insignificant in comparison with the consequences which fol- 
lowed in its train. The Tsar Alexander II did not relinquish the 
hope of his ancestors of gaining land at the expense of Turkey. 
During the Franco-German War he took advantage of the pre- 
occupation of Western Europe by reasserting Russia's right to 
maintain warships on the Black Sea. Soon after this event 
came the longed-for opportunity of reopening the Eastern 
Question. The cruelties practised upon the Christians of the 
lower Danubian valley by the Turks, with the intent of terroriz- 
ing them into submission, excited the horror of Europe, especially 
of Great Britain. Judging that the western powers would not 
repeat the Crimean War on behalf of a government which was 
outraging every humane principle, Russia declared war and 
invaded Turkey. The Roumanian prince, who chafed at the 
nominal suzerainty which Turkey exercised over his lands, 
threw in his lot with Russia; the fiery Slavs of Serbia and Mon- 
tenegro also arose in rebellion; and Greece was ready to enter 
the contest in order to share in the spoils. For a time it seemed 
as if the death-knell of Turkey in Europe had been sounded, but 
the fear that the Russians might create a great vassal Balkan 
state was again raising up defenders for Turkey. While this 
tide of opposition to Russian hopes was rising, a treaty was 
signed between Russia and Turkey at San Stefano which was 
wholly favorable to the former. (See map, page 313.) 

The Tsar had the cup to his lips, but the powers dashed it to 
earth by calling a general European Congress at Berlin for the 
summer of 1878. This was one of the most important steps 



EXPANSION OF EUROPF IN ASIA AND AFRICA 311 




312 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

taken towards the solution of the Near Eastern Question in 
modern times. All the great powers were represented by their 
chief statesmen, prime ministers, foreign secretaries, and am- 
bassadors. Bismarck was chosen as President of the Congress. 
None of the small states most interested in the decisions of the 
conference were permitted to share in these decisions. In many- 
respects it was as reactionary as the Congress of Vienna, and at 
its doors, in no small measure, may be laid the responsibility 
for the European War of 1914. The great Turkish vassal 
state of Bulgaria, created by the Treaty of San Stefano, was cut 
to pieces. Bulgaria, which it was feared would be a satellite of 
Russia, was divided into two parts: that to the south to be 
known for a few years as Eastern Roumelia and to be under 
Turkish control; and another to the north, the Principality 
of Bulgaria, which was also to be dependent upon Turkey. 
Macedonia was restored to Turkey; Roumania, Serbia, and 
Montenegro were made independent states. Bosnia and 
Herzegovina were turned over to the administration of Austria, 
although nominally under Turkish control until 1908. Rou- 
mania was robbed of a northern province by Russia, and Bul- 
garia was shorn of her northeastern territory to compensate 
Roumania. 

128. The Emergence of the Balkan States, 1878-1908. — For 
the next thirty years the history of the Balkan region is com- 
paratively uninteresting. It is marked by the gradual consoli- 
dation of the separate states and the gradual disappearance of 
Turkish control in many cases where the great powers had still 
Bulgaria bolstered up its shadowy dominion. The Congress of Berlin 

left the organization of the new government of Bulgaria to the 
Russians. They promptly produced a constitution which was 
apparently very democratic, but the ruler had as strong a check 
over the people as the people had over the ruler. Russia 
intended to retain control over the government. The framer of 
this constitution had not reckoned on one possibility which came 
to pass — namely, cooperation between people and ruler. 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 313 




^/ V ' X w x.iCi ^' BLACK S£ 




314 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



StambuloS 



Serbia 



Roumanla 



Greece 



Prince Alexander of Battenberg, a nephew of the Tsar, was 
chosen ruler of Bulgaria and, six years later, of Eastern Rou- 
melia as well. Russia tried vainly to prevent him from assuming 
control of the latter, but the sympathy of England was for 
Alexander, and Russia acquiesced. Russian interference in 
Bulgaria was responsible in part for the abdication of Alexander 
in 1886, and in the following year Ferdinand, grandson of Louis 
Philippe, accepted the throne. Stephen Stambuloff, an inn- 
keeper's son who had risen to the position of prime minister, was 
the real ruler of the country until his dismissal in 1894. He 
was anti-Russian in his sympathies and was supported in this 
attitude by the people. His overthrow resulted in a closer union 
for the time being between the governments of Bulgaria and 
Russia, but Ferdinand's ambition to become the dominant 
Balkan ruler led him to continue the anti-Russian movement. 

Prince Milan of Serbia, who had assumed the title of king 
in 1882, felt the need of aggressive measures to make his dynasty 
popular. Accordingly he showed a resentment at the absorption 
of Roumelia by Alexander's principality, and in 1885 a short 
war followed between Serbia and Bulgaria, in which Serbia 
was defeated. Austria intervened and prevented Bulgaria from 
making any territorial gains, but the war gave her great prestige 
and insured to her the possession of Roumelia. 

Roumania was proclaimed a kingdom in 1881. Her govern- 
ment is a constitutional monarchy. While her principal industry 
is agriculture, she has in recent years developed manufacturing 
and commerce to a higher point than that reached by any of the 
other Balkan states. 

Otho ruled the Greeks for nearly thirty years (1833-62). The 
capital was transferred to Athens, the ancient wonder city of 
Hellas, and the little kingdom began a slow national develop- 
ment. Her boundaries were very unsatisfactory, as Thessaly 
with its Greek population was retained by Turkey. There were 
many internal troubles, legacies of the unsettled conditions under 
Turkish rule, brigandage had to be suppressed, and the country 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 315 



was heavily in debt. At first the government was an absolute 
monarchy. In 1844 Otho granted the demand for a parliament, 
but the people were dissatisfied with his weak foreign policy as 
well as with his absolute tendencies, and in 1862 drove him from 
the throne. George I, a son of Christian IX of Denmark, suc- 
ceeded him. England ceded the Ionian Isles to Greece the 
following year (1864) and 







forced the Sultan in 1881 to 
cede Thessaly. In 1897 an in- 
surrection in Crete against 
Turkish rule gave Greece a 
pretext for war, but as she 
was poorly prepared and 
failed to get aid from the other 
Balkan states, she was de- 
feated. Crete, however, was 
temporarily given home rule 
under the governorship of 
Prince George of Greece, 
although nominally under 
Turkish rule and finally was 
annexed to Greece in 19 13. 

129. The Turkish Revolu- 
tion and its Consequences. 
— In the summer of 1908 the 
Eastern Question reached a 
most acute stage. The Young Turks, a secret liberal party of 
progressive Turks who desired to inject new life into the Otto- 
man Empire and thought to attain this by moulding their gov- 
ernment upon constitutional lines like those of the great powers 
of Western Europe, conducted a swift and bloodless revolution 
in Constantinople. Having won over the army chiefs to their 
plans, they demanded from the Sultan, Abdul Hamid II, the res- 
toration of a constitution which had been granted in the crisis 
of 1876 but had never been put in operation. Emperor Francis 



The Graeco- 
Turkish War, 
1897 



TsAR Ferdinand of Bulgaria 

He threw in the lot of his country 
with the Teutonic allies in the Euro- 
pean War of 1914. He is a grandson 
of Louis Philippe and is immensely 
wealthy. He is also one of the 
shrewdest statesmen of the present 
time. 



Crete 



The Young 
Turks 



3l6 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Annexation 
of Bosnia and 
Herzegovina 
by Austria- 
Hungary 

Independence 
of Bulgaria 



The Turkish 

Revolution 

Completed 



The Turco- 
Italian and 
Balkan Wars 



Joseph announced the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina to 
the empire of Austria-Hungary, a step which eventually had 
much to do with precipitating the European War of 1914, 
and almost at the same time Prince Ferdinand of Bulgaria pro- 
claimed the independence of Bulgaria from Turkish rule and 
took the title of Tsar. The people of Crete announced their 
union with Greece, and for a time it looked dangerously like a 
general European war. Germany and Austria-Hungary adopted 
a warlike attitude as they justified these breaches of the Treaty 
of Berlin. To add to the confusion, in April, 1909, the Turkish 
army broke into mutiny against the Young Turk movement, 
and several leaders lost their lives. But the Young Turks 
rallied, took Constantinople, deposed Abdul Hamid, and placed 
his brother Mohammed V on the throne. The new Sultan 
proved to be a puppet in the hands of the reforming party, 
which was exactly what they desired. The new government 
found its task a difficult one. It was one thing to set up a 
government and another thing to make this government satis- 
factory to all portions of the empire. 

Scarcely had several revolts been suppressed when Turkey 
was forced to confront a foreign enemy. A desire for conquest 
had seized hold of Italy, and her eyes were turned to the Turkish 
possession of Tripoli. War broke out in 191 1. Turkey was no 
match for Italy, and Tripoli became the Italian province of 
Libya. Before the treaty was signed ending the Libyan 
War, Turkey had entered upon a life and death struggle. The 
Balkan states had, strangely enough, succeeded in patching 
up their differences and had organized a league composed of 
Serbia, Greece, Montenegro, and Bulgaria. They now launched 
themselves upon the Turkish territories in Europe. The armies 
speedily crushed the Turkish defences and, when the powers 
intervened to prevent the capture of Constantinople, all that 
remained to Turkey was the Gallipoli peninsula and the narrow 
strip of land which stretches along the Sea of Marmora and the 
Bosphorus. The victors, however, quarrelled over the spoils, 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 317 
and Serbia and Greece combined against Bulgaria, and in a War between 

theBa 
AUies 



brief campaign known as the Second Balkan War forced the t^®^^^^'*" 



latter to give them the lion's share of the territory gained from 
Turkey. This second war was to the advantage of Turkey, for 
Bulgaria was forced to leave in Turkish hands the important 
city of Adrianople, which she had won after a long and difficult 
siege in the first war. Turkey in Europe was, therefore, saved 
from complete annihilation, although reduced to a mere shadow 
of her former glory. Serbia and Greece were the chief gainers, 
but Bulgaria and Montenegro each gained territory. Because 
of the interference of the powers, a new state, called Albania, Albania 
was created out of the territory on the western coast and placed 
under the rule of a German prince. He was soon forced to flee, 
however, and the fate of the new principality still hangs in the 
balance.^ 

The Near Eastern Question has not yet been solved. The The Near 
European War of 19 14 has opened up new possibilities. The al- Qu^Jg^^ and 
liance of Turkey and Bulgaria with the central powers, the the European 
drive through Serbia in the autumn of 191 5, the participation ^^^^^9^^ 
of Roumania, in 191 6, and the military operations about the 
Persian Gulf and the Suez Canal, will all play their part in 
creating a new situation in the Near East. 

130. The Opening Up of Africa by the Missionaries and 
Explorers. — It has already been pointed out how the prob- 
lems presented by the Near East involved from time to 
time the neighboring continent of Africa. While these events 
were transpiring in Asia Minor and in the Balkan region this 
vast domain was being apportioned among the powers of 
Western Europe. This partitioning process followed close upon 
the heels of the activities of the missionaries and explorers. 
Previous to the middle of the nineteenth century Africa was 
all but unknown and was rightfully named the "dark con- The "Dark 
tinent." Except for the work of France in Algeria between Continent" 

^ For territorial arrangement of the Balkan States, see map opposite 
p. 398. 



3i8 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



David 
Livingstone 



Henry M. 
Stanley 



Speke 



Baker 



Remnants of 
Older Colonial 
Empires 
in Africa 



1830 and 1847 and the growth of British dominion in the 
Cape Colony, near the struggling young Boer republics of the 
Transvaal and the Orange Free State, the nations of Europe 
had shown but little interest in the development of Africa. 
To about the middle of the nineteenth century such efforts as 
had been put forth towards ascertaining the nature of the 
country and its resources had been confined to northern and 
northwestern Africa. The heart of the dark continent was 
laid open principally through the work of David Livingstone. 
Between 1840 and 1856 this prince of explorers opened up 
the region of the Zambesi and crossed Africa from ocean to 
ocean. His work as an explorer and missionary attracted the 
attention of Europe. On one of his expeditions the world was 
without news of him for so long that a searching party was 
sent out by the New York Herald under the leadership of 
Henry M. Stanley, a newspaper correspondent born in Wales. 
Livingstone died in 1873 in the very heart of the Dark Con- 
tinent and his body was taken home to England and buried 
in Britain's Hall of Fame, Westminster Abbey. Stanley re- 
turned to Africa to explore the Congo, and his journeys 
through "Darkest Africa" did much to change the map of the 
interior of the continent from blank spaces to rivers, lakes, and 
mountains. Meanwhile, a renewed interest in the sources of 
the Nile had led Speke, an English explorer, in 1858, to the 
discovery of the great lake just at the equator, which he 
named Victoria Nyanza, in honor of England's queen. A few 
years later another Englishman named Baker discovered another 
source in a second lake, which he named Albert Nyanza in honor 
of the Prince Consort. 

When the advance of Europe into Africa began, there were 
still some remnants of the colonial empires of the Portuguese, 
Spanish, and Dutch. These lay along the Eastern and Western 
coasts and in South Africa. But the two most energetic powers 
up to 1873 were France and England. France began her pro- 
tectorate over Tunis in 1881, and England her "occupation" of 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 319 

Egypt the following year. A wild rush for territory followed. 
Between 1884 and 1890 Germany, Italy, and Belgium joined 
with the powers already possessing a foothold in a series of 
treaties setting forth their respective claims. 

One of the earliest and most interesting appropriations of The Formation 
territory during this period was the creation of the Congo Free Fre?\tate^° 
State. Livingstone had directed the attention of Europe to the 
horrors of the slave trade, as carried on by the Arabs in the 
region of the Congo and the Zambesi, and through his explo- 
rations had aroused an interest particularly in Equatorial 
Africa. It was his explorations rather than his campaign for 
humanity that attracted the attention, among others, of Leopold 
II, King of the Belgians, through whose efforts an International The 
Association was formed for the ostensible object of the explora- A°s^oTiation* 
tion and civilization of central Africa (1876), and Stanley was 
given an opportunity to prove his ability as a pro-consul in 
the Congo region. The International Association, however, 
fell largely under the influence of Leopold, and the activities 
of Belgium in the Congo prompted other nations to make claims 
in this region. Accordingly a conference of the great powers of Conference of 
Europe and the United States was held in Berlin in 1884. This 
marked an epoch in Europe's relations with the Dark Continent, 
as it was followed by other conferences and treaties which sought 
to delimit clearly each country's interest upon African soil. 
This particular conference established the Congo Free State, The Congo 
an independent state, occupying most of that river's basin, and 
it was ordered that all nations should have equal opportunities 
of trade within it. Leopold now unmasked himself, and it 
became evident that he had engineered the whole deal for his 
own personal profit. He allowed his agents to commit unspeak- The Congo 
able cruelties against the natives in order to terrify them into Atrocities 
bringing in great quantities of rubber and other African products 
for his own enrichment. In 1885 he notified the powers that he 
had assumed the sovereignty of the Congo State. Its union with 
Belgium was merely a personal one, both being under the same 



320 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Withdrawal 
of France 



The Loss and 
Recovery of 
the Sudan 



sovereign. His autocratic rule and intolerable cruelties were so 
criticised by all the other nations that in 1908 the Belgian gov- 
ernment converted the Congo Free State into a Belgian colony, 
subject to the rule of the parliament. 

131. England and France in Egypt. — Meanwhile England 
and France were extending their control over Egypt. The 
fifth ruler of Egypt in the family of Mehemet Ali was an ex- 
travagant man by the name of Ismail. During his reign the 
Suez Canal was constructed. This was only one of his many 
enterprises, some of which were of the most spendthrift char- 
acter. So lavish was he in his expenditures that the public 
debt of Egypt rose from $15,000,000 to nearly $450,000,000 
within a little over a decade. In 1875 Great Britain acquired 
for a comparatively small sum the Khedive's^ shares in the 
Suez Canal Company, owing to his financial needs. Both 
France and England continued to make loans to the Egyptian 
government until they felt forced to institute a dual control 
over Egypt to safeguard these interests. 

Ismail resented this interference with his country, but was 
forced to abdicate in 1879 in favor of his son Tewfik, who proved 
more compliant with the wishes of Great Britain. But a spirit 
of ''Egypt for the Egyptians" seized possession of the Khedive's 
army. Under the leadership of Arabl Pasha, a revolt spread 
against foreign control, which soon got beyond the power of 
Tewfik to suppress. In order to preserve the financial interests 
of Europeans in Egypt, military intervention was necessary. 
At this juncture France refused to cooperate and England under- 
took the task alone. This act terminated France's active con- 
nection with Egypt. In a few months the revolt was suppressed 
and Arabi was exiled to Ceylon (1882). England now assumed 
the role of "adviser" to the Khedive, but quickly let him un- 
derstand that this meant that she was his guardian as well. 

This relationship brought with it a serious responsibility. 
There had arisen in the Sudan, a province long misruled by 
^ The official title of the ruler of Egypt. 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 321 

Egypt, a revolt half religious and half political. A leader called 
the Mahdi proclaimed a religious war against all foreigners as The Mahdi; 
well as against the Egyptian government. General Gordon, Q^^lTn^f 
who had shown great ability in dealing with half-civilized 
peoples in China, and as governor-general of the Sudan from 
1872 to 1880, was sent by the British government to deal with 
the Mahdi, and was reappointed governor-general of the Sudan 
by the Khedive. He reached Khartum and was there besieged 
by the Mahdist forces. An expedition was sent out by the 
British government to rescue him, but it reached Khartum 
when it was too late, as the city had fallen into the hands of the 
Mahdi two days before, and Gordon had met his death in de- 
fending it against them. For ten years England abandoned 
the Sudan until 1896, when General Kitchener, as commander- 
in-chief of the Egyptian army, undertook to recover the prov- 
ince. Building a railroad as he marched southward in a slow 
but sure campaign, he completely subdued the dervishes, as the 
followers of the Mahdi were called, winning a decisive victory 
at Omdurman (1898). For this he received his title, Kitchener Kitchener 
of Khartum. The Sudan was held as a joint Egyptian and °^ ^^^uin 
British province. Since 1883 England, through her represent- 
atives, particularly Lord Cromer, has done much to build up Lord Cromer 
Egypt and to improve the condition of the lower classes, es- 
pecially the downtrodden fellaheen, as the peasants are called. 
When Turkey joined the side of the Teutonic nations in the 
European War of 1914, Great Britain deposed the reigning 
Khedive on the ground that he was too friendly with the 
Ottoman Empire and installed a relative of the deposed ruler 
as Sultan under a British protectorate. 

132. France, Germany, and Italy in Africa. — France lost one The Extension 
colonial empire in the eighteenth century as a result of the poJe^'^'^^ 
Seven Years' War. This did not discourage her statesmen from in Africa 
attempting to conquer another. The reign of Louis Philippe saw 
the conquest of Algeria, one of the Barbary States, and at the Algeria 
opening of the century nominally a part of the Turkish Empire. 



Tunis 



322 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

Since the Franco-German War these efforts have been more 
pronounced. With a secure foothold in North Africa, she has 
endeavored to extend her territories to the east, west, and south. 
Although Tunis was desired by Italy, the influence of France was 
the stronger, and in 1881 a treaty with the ruler of that state 




Morocco 



Algiers 
Algiers, the capital of the French province in Africa of the same name, 
rises from the seashore up the sides of a precipitous hill in the form of an 
equilateral triangle. The streets are regular, spacious, and elegant, quite 
Parisian in appearance. The harbor is strongly fortified and can contain 
forty warships and three hundred trading vessels. It is the most impor- 
tant seaport on that part of the Mediterranean coast. 

brought it under French rule. The palmy days of the Roman 
empire seem to have come again to these portions of North 
Africa. Railroads have been promoted, harbors built, agri- 
culture encouraged, cities Europeanized, and everywhere evi- 
dences of prosperity and progress are apparent. Since 1904 
France and Spain have divided Morocco, that portion lying 
opposite to Spain belonging to her sphere of influence. The 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 323 

island of Madagascar off the eastern coast of Africa in the 
Indian Ocean, the fifth largest island in the world, was con- Madagascar 
quered by the French and annexed in 1896. This island, to 
which they had long laid claim, is larger in area than France 
herself and is rich in minerals and in tropical products. In 
western Africa France has large areas under her rule. Most of 
this territory has been secured since 1878 (see map opposite 
page 318). Senegal, part of the Guinea Coast, Dahomey, the 
Ivory coast, the Upper Niger Valley, and a region north of the 
Congo are subject to her. Through her control of the Saharan 
oases, which were secured by a series of conflicts with the na- 
tives, she has established her sovereignty in a region eight times 
the size of France. If she completes the projected trans- 
Saharan railroad, she will possess a key to the commerce of 
central Africa. By the occupation of Djibouti near the Straits 
of Bab-el-Mandeb, France maintains an entrance to the Red 
Sea and safeguards her route to Madagascar and Indo- 
China. 

Two new members of the European family soon became itaiy and Ger- 
actively interested in the fate of African territory. Italy was ""^^^ ^"^ ^^"'* 
the first upon the scene. We have already noted how she con- 
quered Libya from Turkey in 191 2. Thirty years before this 
date she began operations upon the shores of the Red Sea and 
seized important ports. This caused hostile relations with the 
native state of Abyssinia, resulting in 1896 in the overwhelming 
defeat of a small Italian army. Italy has since confined her 
efforts in that part of Africa to building up her colony of Eritrea 
on the Red Sea and to estabhshing a protectorate over a part 
of eastern Africa called Somaliland. With many misgivings 
and much hesitation, Germany began her career as a ruler in 
Africa in 1884. By means of treaties with negro chiefs, and 
by forcible annexations with the consent of other European 
powers, Germany has acquired Togoland, Kamerun, and 
Southwest Africa on the west, and German East Africa on the 
east coast. These territories are rich in mineral wealth and 



324 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Beginnings 
of English 
Influence 



The Boers 



Cecil Rhodes 



commercial possibilities. No story of the last quarter century 
of the history of Africa would be complete without mention of 
the work of individual Germans as geographical explorers and 
scientists. 

133. The Extension of English Influence in South Africa. — 
England's empire in South Africa began with the seizure of 
Dutch possessions at the Cape of Good Hope during the Napole- 
onic Wars. At the Peace of 
Vienna her title to the colony 
was confirmed, and English- 
men straightway began to emi- 
grate thither. The new forms 
of government introduced by 
the English, the use of English 
as the sole legal language, and 
finally the abolition of slavery 
in 1833, all combined to irri- 
tate the Boers, the name given 
to the descendants of the origi- 
nal Dutch settlers. In 1836 
they began to emigrate to the 
north, to Natal, the Orange 
River country, and the Trans- 
vaal or South African Republic. 
With the appearance of Cecil 
Rhodes, an Englishman who 
had amassed an enormous for- 
tune in the gold and diamond 
mines of South Africa, England began to extend her power. He 
was one of Great Britain's empire builders. He not only took 
steps to acquire new territory north of the Zambesi River but 
projected a transcontinental railroad from Capetown to Cairo 
to unite the British possessions in northern and southern 
Africa. He was successful in adding Rhodesia, but found his 
path northwards blocked by German acquisitions. His aim 




Cecil Rhodp:s 

Cecil John Rhodes was Prime Min- 
ister of Cape Colony 1890-94. He 
died in 1902 and left the bulk of his 
vast wealth for the puqaose of edu- 
cating at Oxford University young 
men of ability from every important 
British colony and from every state 
of the United States. 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 325 

seems to have been to weld all these South African territories 
into a single state, including the Transvaal. 

Gold was discovered in the mountains of the Transvaal in 
1886, and with this began a great influx of foreigners, especially 
of Englishmen. The Boers did not want these ''Uitlanders," The Boer War 
or foreigners, and began a systematic policy of discrimination 
against them. The Transvaal government required them to pay 
heavy taxes and oppressed them in other ways. In 1895, under 
the leadership of Dr. Jameson, the governor of Rhodesia, a raid Jameson's 
was made by the Uitlanders with the avowed intention of over- 
throwing the Boer government. The revolt was suppressed and 
the guilty men turned over to England for punishment. The 
fact that they received trivial sentences and that Cecil Rhodes, 
the arch-conspirator against the Boers, was shielded by the Eng- 
lish government, increased the irritation felt by the Boers. 
Finally Great Britain demanded nothing short of the right of 
citizenship for the Uitlanders. To this the Transvaal govern- 
ment would not accede, and war began in 1899. After three 
years of bitter warfare. Great Britain annexed the Boer republics. Annexation 

The work of reconstruction began immediately, and the Boer Republics 
British government adopted a singularly enlightened policy in 
regard to the Boers. In 1909 a new Dominion of the British 
Empire was created, known as the South African Union, con- south African 
sisting of the four colonies of Natal, Cape of Good Hope, Trans- ^°^°*^ 
vaal, and Orange Free State. The parliament consists of a 
Senate of 40 members and an Assembly of 130 members. The 
Governor-General is appointed by the crown. The British 
cabinet system is followed. Both Dutch and English are the 
official languages, and the high officers of the government are 
selected from the leaders of both peoples. North of this 
dominion stretches the territory of Rhodesia, which will ulti- 
mately form a part of the South African Union. 

For Suggestive Topics and Questions for Further Study, Collateral 
Reading, Source Studies, Suggestions for Map Work, Map References, 
and Bibliography, see close of Chapter XI, page 353. 



CHAPTER XI 

THE EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 
(Continued) 

The Far East and the European War of 1914 

134. Origin of the Far Eastern Question. — The century- 
long contact between Asia and Europe, occasioned by the 
presence of the Turk in southeastern Europe, gave rise to the 
Near Eastern problem, which has taxed the patience and ener- 
gies of some of Europe's greatest statesmen and is stiU far 
from solution. Turkey in Asia, however, was but a mere out- 
post of a vast land mass, peopled with teeming millions of 
Orientals. It was not a continent shrouded in mystery and in 
darkness as was Africa, as one after the other the great trading 
nations of Europe — the Portuguese, Dutch, and Enghsh — 
had come in contact with its peoples and had brought 
back to Europe, with their rich jewels, spices and silks, some 
knowledge of the strange countries themselves and their civi- 
Hzations. Nevertheless, with the exception of the EngHsh 
occupation of India, down to the middle of the nineteenth cen- 
tury, the influence of the West upon the Far East had been 
Exclusive almost negligible. The great empire of China with its three 

Policy of the hundred milhons of inhabitants, the great "Middle Kingdom" 
as it was called by its people, occupying with its dependencies 
an area larger than that of Europe, was practically closed to 
European enterprise and promised to remain so indefinitely. 
The same was true of Japan, her next-door neighbor on the East. 
Korea, lying between the two, was long known as the Hermit 
Nation. 



East 



of Russia 
Eastward 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 327 

The same influences, however, which opened Africa trans- 
formed these portions of Asia. As a result Europe now has a 
Far Eastern question to solve — a situation closely related to 
that in the Near East and in some of its characteristics merely 
a part of the same great problem. Of all the European nations, 
Russia is probably most responsible for this awakening of 
interest in the Far East, although our own country and Japan 
have figured prominently in the movement. 

The course of Russian history since the 13 th century has The Expansion 
been marked by steady and persistent additions of territory. 
Conquest, says a Chinese proverb, is like water. That which 
proceeds by flood overturns, passes, and disappears; that which 
progresses little by little filters in; it is slow and permanent; 
it penetrates and remains master. The latter is the character 
of the conquests of the Russians. Sometimes they seem to stop; 
but it is only to take breath; no obstacle prevents them from 
advancing. It was the Russian occupation of Siberia, which 
was practically completed by the founding of the port of 
Okhotsk on the Pacific in 1638, that eventually precipitated the 
rapid changes which mark the history of the Far East in our day. 
This was the work of the Cossacks who, acting largely on their 
own initiative, gradually extended the control of Russia over this 
vast expanse of territory. For the next two centuries, however, 
the Tsars paid little attention to this region, using it merely as a 
place of exile for political offenders. But when Russia was 
checked by the other powers of Europe in her designs upon 
Turkey, especially after the Crimean War, she began to direct 
her attention towards Siberia and the regions in Asia immediately 
to the east of the Caspian Sea. 

The advance of Russia into the great continent of Asia fol- 
lowed three Hnes or avenues: (i) that by Siberia; (2) that by 
Turkestan; and (3) by the route across the Caucasus toward 
Turkey and Persia. This last may be considered one of the 
routes to Constantinople. 

By this time it was evident that the valleys of the Dnieper 



328 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Reasons for 
the Coloniza- 
tion of Siberia 



Expansion 
Southward 



The Conquest 
of Turkestan 



and the Don and the fertile steppes of southern Russia were 
no longer sufhcient to maintain the increasing peasant popula- 
tion. As the population of all Siberia in i860 numbered but 
three and a half millions, it offered a convenient outlet for 
this agricultural population. Unfortunately the northern por- 
tion, lying as it does under the Arctic circle, is a frozen tundra 
for a large part of the year and is therefore not available for 
cultivation. The emigration or colonization movement which 
now commenced and which had the support and encourage- 
ment of the government, soon placed large tracts in the south 
under cultivation and began to make of Siberia one of the 
great granaries of the world. The movement was most active 
about 1880. In the period from 1893 to 1900 over a million 
peasants were attracted into this region. This was largely the 
result of the building of the Trans-Siberian railroad, of which 
more will be said later. 

When the Russians began to realize the vast natural resources 
of Siberia, its furs, fish, lumber, and mineral wealth, including 
platinum, copper, and iron, the necessity became more pressing 
for a proper outlet for these products. As the harbors of 
Siberia are ice-locked for more than half of the year, it became 
necessary, if Russia was to develop any commerce, that the 
territorial Hmits of Siberia be extended southwards. This 
would mean expansion at the expense of China. While China 
was occupied with a dispute between England and France 
(1858-1860), Russia annexed the Chinese coast of the Sea of 
Okhotsk as far south as Manchuria and founded the city of 
Vladivostock C'Lord of the East") as a naval base. 

Meanwhile the nomadic tribes on the southern frontier of 
Siberia, living in what is known as Turkestan, were making 
raids upon the Russian settlers, and it became necessary to 
despatch mihtary expeditions against them. Step by step 
these campaigns brought this territory under Russian control 
until by 1895 Russia had occupied the plateau of Pamir and 
had almost touched the frontier of India. 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 329 

The Far Eastern problem was rapidly taking shape. England England 
began to fear that Russia had designs on India, and it was this and'ortin 
fear that probably prompted her to declare her neutrality in the of Russophobia 
Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78. England had remained in 




The Relief of Lucknow: an Incident of the Sepoy Mutiny 

"Havelock's glorious Highlanders answer with conquering cheers, 
Sick from the hospital echo them, women and children come out, 
Blessing the wholesome white faces of Havelock's good fusileers, 
Saved by the valor of Havelock, saved by the blessing of Heaven! 
'Hold it for fifteen days!' we have held it for eighty-seven." 

— Tennyson. 



peaceful possession of her Indian Empire for almost a cen- 
tury after the decisive conflict known as the Seven Years' 
War, when her control was threatened by the great Mutiny or TheSepoy 
Sepoy Rebellion of 1857-8. This was due to a variety of ^«^«"'°° 



330 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

causes, not the least of which was the steady progress of 
annexation and the hatred of the Hindus towards their con- 
querors. The EngHsh administrators also displayed at times 
an excess of zeal in remodelling India upon western lines and 
in accordance with western ideals. The native soldiers or 
sepoys on the pretext that native customs, and especially 
their religious scruples, had been set at naught, suddenly 
rose in rebellion, murdered their English officers, seized some 
of the principal cities, including Delhi, and sought to extermi- 
nate all Europeans. Fortunately for England the mutiny did 
not spread to all parts of the empire, and English authority was 
finally restored after several hundreds of Europeans had been 
brutally massacred. English prestige, however, had suffered a 
severe blow. The dual administration of the country by the 
crown and the East India Company was now terminated. 
India became a crown colony, thereby passing under the 
direct authority of England.^ It was not long after this 
event that Russia began to loom up on the north as a possible 
contestant for the rich plains of the Indus and the Ganges. 

Beginning with about 1890, the goal of Russian ambition 
began to He farther East. Hand in hand with her expansion 
movement had gone an effort to consolidate her possessions. 
Three great lines of railroads were projected to this end: the 
Trans-Caspian; the Trans-Caucasus; and the Trans-Siberian. 
The first of these, opened in 1888, connects Usun Ada on the 
Caspian Sea with Samarcand and Tashkent, the capital of 
Turkestan. The Trans-Caucasus connects Baku on the 
Caspian Sea with Poti on the Black Sea. A steamer line 
crosses the Caspian from Usan Ada to Baku, thus linking 
together the Trans-Caucasus with the Trans-Caspian. These 
systems have also been linked with that greatest of all 
recent railway undertakings, the Trans-Siberian Railway, which 
was begun in 1891 and formally opened in 1902 at a cost of 

1 In 1876 India was declared an Empire, and the following year Queen 
Victoria assumed the title of Empress of India. 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 331 



$360,000,000. It is over 3000 miles long and connects Petro- 
grad with the Pacific. It was the question of a Pacific ter- 
minal for this road that precipitated in the Far East a crisis 
of such a nature as to attract the attention of all Europe and 
to result in an entire shifting of power there. This was in 
part the result of the appearance on the scene of the island 
empire of Japan. 

135. The Awakening of Japan. — Before the twelfth cen- 
tury Japan was under the personal rule of the emperor, or 
Mikado. The existence of 
a strong feudal system, 
however, gradually under- 
mined the power of the Mi- 
kado, and his duties began 
to devolve upon the com- 
mander-in-chief of the feu- 
dal barons, who was known 
as the Shogun. By the sev- 
enteenth century, the title 
of Shogun had become he- 
reditary and his power 
overshadowed that of the 
Mikado. The situation 
may be compared to the re- 
lation which existed between 
the kings of the Franks and 
the mayors of the palace 
in the early Middle Ages. 
For the next two hundred 
years the Mikado was the 
religious and the Shogun the temporal head of the nation. The 
national policy was one of strict isolation. Foreigners could not 
enter the country, nor could the Japanese leave it. Except 
for a little trade with the Dutch, foreign goods were pro- 
hibited. The United States forced the abandonment of this 




A Japanese Feudal Castle 

In Nagoya, a city ninety miles north- 
east of Kyoto, stands this magnificent 
feudal castle which was built in 16 10. 
Except for the moat and the fortified 
wall, it has little in common with the 
feudal castles of Europe, and is of typi- 
cally Japanese construction. The inte- 
rior is beautifully decorated. 



Shogunate 



332 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

Opening poHcy by sending Commodore Perry in 1853 with an American 

by Commodore squadron to demand an entry for our ships into Japanese 
Perry harbors. ReaHzing that swords and armor were no match 

for the American cannon, the Shogun signed a treaty with 
Perry, opening two ports to American ships. Similar de- 
mands were made by some of the European powers and were 
granted, but the action of the Shogun was resented by many of 
the leaders in Japan, and a movement was set on foot for his 
overthrow. 
The Revolution j^ 1866 the death of the Shogun, which was followed the year 
apan ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ death of the Mikado, brought about conditions 

favorable to revolution. A conflict followed between the Mikado 
and the Shogun, and in 1868 the last Shogun resigned his power 
to the young Mikado, and the era of ''enlightened rule" began. 
This act heralded one of the most astonishing transformations 
in history. Within the next third of a century Japan changed 
from a mediaeval monarchy to one of the most progressive of 
twentieth century states. The nobles voluntarily gave up their 
feudal rights; the army and navy were reorganized after Ger- 
man models; a modern educational system was introduced; 
and in 1890 a constitutional government went into effect by the 
free grant of the Mikado. The legislative branch of the govern- 
ment is in the hands of a House of Peers and a House of Com- 
mons. The Japanese now began to draw upon the whole world 
for the most up-to-date and scientific methods of doing things. 
Quick to learn, they in many cases improved upon their western 
teachers. The Industrial Revolution was soon in full swing, 
bringing with it the same problems which were troubling the 
West. 
Japanese and With the new era of enlightenment came an awakened 

ests in Korea" interest in the mainland, especially in the peninsula of Korea. 
The Japanese had long laid claim to Korea, as they be- 
lieved that it had been conquered by them in prehistoric 
times. These claims were contested by China whose em- 
peror had long asserted his authority over the king of Korea. 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 333 

This anomalous position of Korea as the tributary of both 
Japan and China, combined with misgovernment, had resulted 
in many a clash between the rival states. Korea was like a 
dagger pointed at the heart of Japan, if held by any hostile 
nation, and as the surplus population of the island empire 
demanded some outlet, the Japanese began to look upon Korea 
and the adjacent territory of Manchuria as legitimate fields 




The Great Wall of China 

The Great Wall of China was erected two centuries before Christ to 
protect China from the inroads of the Tartar tribes to the north, Toda}^ it 
stands in almost perfect preservation, while the Wall of Hadrian has almost 
crumbled to pieces except in a few spots. It winds along for fifteen hundred 
miles, and is constructed of two strong retaining walls of brick, rising from 
granite foundations, the space between being filled with stones and earth. 
It is about twenty-five feet in breadth and the height varies from fifteen to 
thirty feet. 

for Japanese enterprise. Korea and Manchuria now became 
a bone of contention between two great Oriental empires, the 
one Westernized and aggressive, the other dormant and inert; 
for in the same period which had witnessed the emergence of 
Japan as a powerful nation, the closed doors of China also 
were forced open, but with far different results. 

136. China and Its Civilization. — Occupying a region larger 
than the United States, with Alaska and Great Britain thrown 



334 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

in, the Chinese Empire is a land of navigable rivers, rich agri- 
cultural districts, and wonderfully abundant mineral resources, 
which are as yet almost untouched. It has been estimated that 
one province could supply the world with coal for a thousand 
years. Long before the people of Europe knew of the compass, 
gun powder, printing, paper, porcelain, tea, glue, and gelatine, 
these necessities of our civilization were in constant use in the 
"Middle Kingdom." Roads and canals equal to the best work 
of modern engineers have been in existence there for many 
hundreds of years. The high state of civilization of the Chinese 
is shown by their development of peaceful occupations and by 
their contempt for war. Confucius, their greatest national hero, 
was not a soldier, but a teacher and a philosopher. He taught 
them to worship their ancestors and to hold sacred the cus- 
toms and habits of the generations that had gone before. So 
faithfully have these teachings been observed that they have 
prevented new ideas from being introduced and have given to 
the Chinese character its conservative and frequently unpro- 
gressive mould. New ideas, especially those of the outside 
world, were undesired by the Chinese. They regarded all 
foreigners as no more than enlightened barbarians. For this 
reason China maintained almost no relations with Europe until 
the nineteenth century; sent no ambassadors, and received 
none; and opened only one port. Canton, to western traders, 
and then under the most discouraging conditions. 

This selfish policy of national isolation began to break down 
in the third decade of the nineteenth century. The deciding 
factor was one wholly to the discredit of European civihzation. 
The government of China, wishing to root out the opium habit 
from among its people, forbade the importation of the drug, 
which is prepared from a species of poppy which grows in India. 
But for thirty years a smuggHng trade was carried on by Euro- 
peans, and grafting Chinese officials conveniently closed their 
eyes to the traffic. By 1837 the profits of the trade to the 
producers of the drug in British India were enormous. Then the 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 335 

Chinese government decided to enforce the law against the 
importation of opium and seized and destroyed thousands of 
chests of the drug at Canton. Some of the government's acts 
seemed to the British to be a reflection upon their national 
honor, and they therefore went to war with China (1840) and 
were easily victorious. By the Treaty of Nanking (1842), China Treaty 
was compelled: (i) to pay a large indemnity, partly as compen- °^ i^a^i^ig 
sation for the opium confiscated; (2) to open five ports to Eng- 
lish trade, namely, Amoy, Foochow, Shanghai, Canton, and 
Ningpo; and (3) to cede to Great Britain the island of Hong 
Kong. Some years later the English again came into collision 
with the Chinese at Canton. France, enraged at the murder of 
a French missionary by the Chinese, joined with England in 
intervention. A joint force penetrated even to the capital, and Treaties 
by the Treaties of Tientsin and the convention of Pekin °' Tientsin 
(i860) China was forced to receive ambassadors from the 
intervening countries, to open additional ports to both, and to 
pay further indemnities. 

From this time forward China began to b^ permeated with influence 
European influences. This came about in two ways: by the °^ ^"cwl 
direct introduction of Europeans, and by Chinese emigration. 
Consuls took up their residence at the open ports, and powerful 
banking and trading houses were founded. Steamship service 
was established and later railways constructed. Meanwhile 
China was obliged to call for European assistance to quell the 
Taiping rebellion. The results of this rebellion were that the 
management of the custom house at Shanghai was intrusted 
to an Englishman, and the direction of the arsenal of Foochow 
to a French officer of marine. The Chinese now began to leave 
their land in great numbers, but it was always their ambition 
and desire that their bones should be brought back to their native 
land for burial. The old Portuguese port of Macao acquired a 
new importance through its traffic in the living and the dead. 

About 1859 France began to penetrate China from the The French 
southeast through the region known as Indo-China, a sort of *^ i^do-China 



336 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

halfway station between India and the Chinese Empire. The 
French first secured a foothold in this peninsula through 
the efforts of Napoleon III, occupying Cochin China and exer- 
cising a protectorate over Cambodia. After the Franco-German 
War, by a series of campaigns, they secured Tonkin and placed 
Annam under a French protectorate. By these possessions 
they had control of a natural gateway into the province of 
Yunnan and had thrust a wedge between England's possessions 
in India and Burma and her foothold at Hong Kong. 

137. Chino- Japanese War, 1894-95, and its Effects. — In 
spite of this contact with civilizations so clearly superior to 
her own, in the main China still pursued the even tenor of her 
way and remained as Oriental and as unprogressive as she 
had been for centuries. This was the situation in the Far East 

Causes whcn Japan and China finally came to blows over Korea. 

During the quarter of a century which elapsed between 1870 
and the outbreak of this struggle, the greatest figure in China 

Li Hung Chang was Li Hung Chang. He was one of the few leaders who 
seemed to realize the advantages of European civilization 
and the necessity on the part of China of adopting the same 
modern methods of defence as were used in the West. He 
had risen by successive steps to the position of governor of 
the province in which was located the capital city of Pekin. 
This office brought him in direct contact with the throne, 
and in his hands were vested the relations with the outside 
world. He was a wily, shrewd diplomat, and had his hands 
been entirely free, China might have faced the crisis of the 
war with Japan with brighter prospects of success, for he had 
succeeded in partially remodelling the army on western lines 
and in laying the foundations for a navy. 

The conditions which precipitated the Chino- Japanese War 
of 1894-5 were somewhat analogous to those which occasioned 
the break between Prussia and Austria in 1866. The conflict 
of authority in Korea may be compared to the conflicting 
interests of Austria and Prussia in Schleswig-Holstein. The 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 337 

anarchic conditions which prevailed in Korea seemed to call 
for vigorous repressive measures. Japan therefore proposed to 
China joint intervention, but China refused. It was a ques- 
tion whether this proposal was made in good faith, as Japan 
possessed at the time a party favorable to war. When the 
break came China reaHzed her helplessness before a Westernized 
power. She was driven from the peninsula and defeated in 
Manchuria as disastrously as the Austrians were in their war 
with Prussia. Li Hung Chang was made the scapegoat for 
this failure by his government, but his ability was so far recog- 
nized that at its close he was intrusted with the peace nego- 
tiations. By the Peace of Shimonoseki (1895), China ceded Peace of 
to Japan the Liao-tung peninsula, including the important 
fortress of Port Arthur, and the island of Formosa; recog- 
nized the independence of Korea; and agreed to pay nearly 
$175,000,000 war indemnity to her conqueror. 

At this juncture Russia, backed by England and Germany, Foreign 
brought pressure to bear upon Japan, "in the cause of peace," ^^chi^a"^ 
to give up the Liao-tung peninsula, for they held that its pos- 
session by Japan was a perpetual menace to China's territorial 
integrity. The explanation of this act soon appeared in the 
schemes of Russia to secure a satisfactory terminal for her great 
transcontinental line. She, too, had her eyes fixed longingly 
upon Port Arthur and hoped to dominate the neighboring 
province of Manchuria. Japan was in no condition to go to 
war with Europe ; so she restored the peninsula and Port Arthur 
to China. This act signalized a new era in the Far East. Japan 
realized that she must face one or more of the great European 
powers in a life and death struggle for supremacy in a region 
which seems to her ever increasingly necessary to her contin- 
uance as a nation. Accordingly she began to build a strong 
navy which would be her right arm when that struggle should 
come. The hollowness of the pretensions of the three great 
European powers soon appeared when Russia used the build- 
ing of the Eastern Chinese railroad, a section of the Trans- 



338 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

Siberian system, as an excuse for filling Manchuria with her 
soldiers and in 1898 obtained a twenty-five-year lease of Port 
Arthur from China. 

Her partners in the events of 1895 were not far behind 
her in securing for themselves advantages in the Far East. 
The murder of two German missionaries in the province of 
Shantung furnished occasion for a German protest to the 
Chinese government. A fleet was despatched, and the slow 
action of the Chinese government in investigating the out- 
rage enabled Germany to demand the lease of the harbor of 
Kiao-chao and a practical monopoly of railroad and mining 
privileges in the province of Shantung. The Chinese govern- 
ment was forced to yield, and thus Germany obtained a "sphere 
of influence" in that part of China. Great Britain, not to be 
outdone by her neighbors, demanded and obtained the lease 
of the port of Wei-hai-Wei on the Yellow Sea. France also 
demanded and obtained a port in China. It seemed in 1898 
that China was to experience the same treatment that the 
European powers had inflicted on Africa. But an internal 
revolution in China brought this movement to a sudden 
termination. 

A few of the more far-sighted Chinese had been profoundly 
impressed by the impotence shown by China in the face of 
European aggression, and they had succeeded in winning over 
the young emperor in an effort to do for China what had been 
done for Japan. The attempt failed, for a new force and a 
new figure appeared upon the scene. Just as the Carbonari in 
Italy and the Jacobins in France profoundly influenced the 
course of events in their respective countries, so an organization 
of Chinese known as the Boxers played a similar role in China. 
They were actuated by the policv of "China for the Chinese" 
and bitterly opposed all foreign ideas. This was the new force. 
The new personality was the Dowager Empress Tsu-hsi. By a 
coup d'etat she brushed aside the young Emperor and assumed 
control of the situation. She undoubtedly sympathized with 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 339 

the patriotic movement represented by the Boxers, and en- 
couraged their anti-foreign propaganda. The reactionary, ori- 
entahzing party for the time being had the upper hand. 
The Boxers adopted as their watchword, ''Drive the foreign 
devils into the sea," and in 1900 the storm burst with the 
murder of scores of European missionaries and hundreds of 
native Chinese Christians. The German ambassador was 
assassinated in the streets of Pekin and the other foreign 
ministers were besieged in their legations. 

These events created a profound impression throughout the 
entire West, and the European powers concerned called for 
immediate action. With Japan and the United States, they 
arranged for a relief expedition, which rescued the foreigners in The Relief 
Pekin, suppressed the Boxer revolt, and demanded an excessive ^^p^^^'^^o'^ 
indemnity for the destruction of the lives and property of all the 
intervening powers. The United States, after paying all legal 
claims for damages sustained by its citizens, returned the unused 
portion of its share of the indemnity to China, thereby cement- 
ing new ties of friendship with the Chinese people.^ At the 
close of the war the powers involved renounced all thought 
of dismembering China and formally guaranteed its terri- 
torial integrity. 

138. The Conflict between Russia and Japan. — Events The "Open- 
now moved swiftly towards a clash between Russia and Japan. ^°°'^" ^°'*<=y 
Russia's attitude alone belied the agreement which the 
powers had made to maintain the "open-door" policy and to ' 
abandon the idea of territorial acquisitions. Japan became 
suspicious of her activities in Manchuria. In 1902 having Alliance 
concluded a treaty of alliance with Great Britain, Japan felt and^Grea/*^^ 
ready to demand from Russia a withdrawal from Manchuria. Britain 
After months of evasion on the part of Russia, which Japan 
believed were being used to strengthen the position of the 
latter power in that province, the island empire suddenly 

^ This balance is being used by the Chinese government to send 
students to the United States to be educated. 



340 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Siege of 
Port Arthur 



Mukden 



Treaty 

of Portsmouth 



broke off diplomatic relations and began hostilities. Early 
in February, 1904, the Russian fleet was destroyed in the har- 
bor of Port Arthur, and that Rus- 
sian fortress was besieged. Port 
Arthur finally surrendered, and the 
Japanese army pressed on to de- 
stroy the Russian army at Mukden 
early in 1905. This gave the Japa- 
nese command over the southern 
section of the Trans-Siberian sys- 
tem. Meanwhile, in August, 1904, 
the Vladivostok and Port Arthur 
fleets had been eliminated. In 
May, 1905, the Japanese fleet an- 
nihilated a Russian fleet in the 
Straits of Tsushima, thus giving 
Japan the mastery of the seas. On 
the initiative of President Roose- 
velt, representatives of the two bel- 
ligerents met at Portsmouth, New 
Hampshire, and negotiated a treaty 
of peace. Russia agreed to evacu- 
ate Manchuria and gave her lease 
of Port Arthur and the Liao-Tung 
Peninsula to Japan. She also ceded 
the southern half of the island of 
Saghalin, north of the Japanese 
archipelago. Korea was to be sub- 
ject to Japanese influence. In 19 10 
Japan annexed that state, and it is 
now known as the Japanese 
province of Chosen. 

Japan had now disposed of her 
greatest rival and had attained the position of arbiter of events 
in the Far East. This marked a real epoch in the history of the 




The Old Japanese Soldier 

The contrast between this 
equipment of a Japanese soldier 
of the period before the Revolu- 
tion in Japan and the modern 
uniform of Japan, shown on the 
opposite page, is striking. The 
general effect of the armor of 
the Japanese is startling, and 
it was designed to terrify the 
enemy. 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 341 



the Far East 



Chinese Revo- 
lution, 191 1 



Far Eastern Question. Japan's victory over a great European Effects upon 
nation was an inspiration to the 
reform movement in China. After 
the suppression of the Boxer revolt 
in 1900, the Chinese government at 
first seemed favorable to reform 
measures. Steps were taken 
towards inaugurating a constitu- 
tional government, but the crafty 
empress dowager, Tsu-hsi, sought 
to keep the power well within her 
own hands. The cause of reform 
seemed threatened, but the move- 
ment had gone too far to be sup- 
pressed. Revolts broke out in 
various parts of the empire, the 
dynasty of the Manchus was de- 
posed, and a provisional govern- 
ment was established. A republic 
was set up, and a constitution pre- 
pared which was in some respects 
modelled after that of the United 
States. Dr. Sun Yat Sen, a well- 
educated physician, was the heart 
and soul of the reform movement, 
and to him was intrusted the des- 
tinies of the new China. His ad- 
ministration was short-lived, and 
Yuan Shi Kai, a former minister 
of the Manchu dynasty, was next 
chosen president. 

139. Japan as a Great Power. — 
Early in the European War of 1914, 
it became evident that Japan was 
to play a still more prominent role in Far Eastern history. As 




(jC) Underwood o° Underwood, X . Y. 

Oyama 

Field Marshal Oyama re- 
ceived his miUtary training 
with the German army during 
the Franco-German War. He 
was commander-in-chief of the 
second Japanese army corps in 
the war with China, and took 
Port Arthur and Wei-hai-wei. 
During the war with Russia, 
he was commander-in-chief in 
Manchuria. This picture shows 
him standing in front of his 
head-quarters at Mukden. 



342 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Japan in the 
European War 
of 1914 



Kiao-chao 



Japanese 
Demands 
on China 



the ally of Great Britain, she formally entered the war against 
the Teutonic allies and began a siege of Kiao-chao, the German 
port on the Yellow Sea. The German garrison defended it 
bravely, but were forced to surrender before overwhelming 
numbers. When Japan took possession, she announced that 

she intended ultimately to re- 
store the port to China. Japa- 
nese squadrons also scoured the 
Pacific and seized various Ger- 
man island colonies. 

The Japanese, recognizing 
perhaps the opportunity which 
was theirs of still further 
strengthening their position in 
the East, early in 191 5 made 
definite demands upon China, 
which, had they been granted, 
would have virtually debarred 
Europe from the country and 
have made it a Japanese de- 
pendency. China was to 
transfer to her certain railroad 
and commercial privileges in 
South Manchuria and Eastern 
Inner Mongolia; the railroads were to be exclusively under 
Japanese control for ninety-nine years; and no other countries 
were to be allowed to build or finance railroads there without 
the consent of Japan. A joint force of Japanese and Chinese 
were to police important places in China. China was to obtain 
from Japan a certain quantity of arms, and the Chinese gov- 
ernment was to engage influential Japanese as advisors for ad- 
ministrative, financial, and military affairs. China was to 
recognize Japanese predominance in . those portions of China 
conquered from the Germans, and finally, China was to agree 
not to make any further lease of any part of China to the Euro- 




YuAN Shi K ai 

Successively Prime Minister, Presi- 
dent, Emperor and President of 
China. For over five years, until his 
death in 19 16, the fate of the Dragon 
monarchy-republic hinged upon this 
mihtant and wily statesman. 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 343 



pean powers without the consent of Japan. This in effect was 
to establish in China a condition of affairs similar to that created 
in South and Central America by the Monroe Doctrine. 

At first China was disposed to appeal to the western nations 
to compel Japan to recede from her aggressive demands. But 
Europe was at war, and the 
United States felt that the 
whole question was one in 
which she was not directly 
concerned, provided her com- 
mercial and similar interests 
were guaranteed. The land- 
ing of Japanese troops at the 
port of Tientsin in China 
forced China to yield on many 
of the points demanded. 
Japan's purpose is evidently 
to dominate Eastern Asia, 
either by conquest, or by estab- 
lishing ^ definite Japanese over- 
lordship over China, or by a 
confederation of Asiatic states, 
with Japan as the leader, or, 
at least, by the application of 
the principle of the Monroe 
Doctrine in relation to her af- 
fairs with China. As one au- 
thority has said, ''It is a fact 
surely worthy of special note 
that wherever Japan sets her foot — no matter how she may 
have placed it there and no matter what promises she may have 
given regarding evacuation — there she remains for good." It 
will be well, on the other hand, to hear the view of Count 
Okuma, Ex-Premier of Japan: "Japan now has continental 
possessions, and it is felt that China is powerless herself to 




Sun Yat Sen 

Dr. Sun has perhaps not been en- 
tirely eliminated from power in 
Chinese affairs, although he resigned 
the provisional presidency. In 19 16 
a formidable revolution broke out 
in the southern provinces of China, 
where the influence of Dr. Sun is 
very great. 



Chinese 
Concessions 



344 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

The Far East maintain the integrity of her territory — a weakness which 
in 1916 brings the influence of the powers to operate in China. . . . 

Japan is now a continental as well as an insular country, and 
requires a strong navy to insure connection between the differ- 
ent parts of the Empire as well as a defensive army." Japan is, 




TOKIO 

The only touch of old Japan in this view of a street in Tokio, the capital, 
is the jinrikisha, or wheeled chair. The swiftness of the transformation of 
Japan from the middle ages to modern times is here well illustrated. 

perhaps, prepared for a struggle for mastery not only in Shan- 
tung, which she gained from the Germans, not only in the 
Manchurian Province, which she gained from the Russians, but 
also in China itself. China has keenly realized her power- 
lessness to thwart Japanese designs and before the death of 
Yuan Shi Kai, in 1916, there was a movement on foot to 
transform the republic into a constitutional monarchy. 

140. The Great Colonial Powers of the Present Day. — This 
expansion movement has not been carried to its present point of 
development without bitter rivalries and jealousies. Those who 
have benefited primarily by it are Great Britain, Russia, France, 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 345 

Japan, Germany, and the United States. These are the great 

colonial powers of today. Next to them are the smaller states of 

Italy, The Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Denmark, and Belgium. 

The fields represented by the colonial interests of these nations 

have already been pointed out. The forms and methods by 

which they have gained and now maintain their control are 

either economic or political. The methods employed to obtain Methods of 

economic control have been varied. The would-be colonial ^°°*^°^= 

Economic 

power loans vast sums of money to semi-civiUzed governments, 
as was the case of Egypt, and upon their failure to pay their 
debts seizes control over their national finances, which inevit- 
ably leads to the second form of control — pohtical domination. 
Another method is by the building and control of great pubhc 
works, such as railroads, in the coveted region. Inevitably this 
calls for a policing of the railroads by the soldiers of the colonizing 
power, as in Manchuria, and It is then but a short step to empire. 
Just as varied have been the methods of pohtical control. First Pouticai 
there is the dependency, where pro-consuls or military governors 
rule with more or less absolute authority. This system Great 
Britain employs in India, although nominally ruHng the sup- 
posedly seK-governing native states as a protector. This last- 
named relationship suggests a second method of control — 
the protectorate. Here the control is more shadowy. The 
protecting state watches over the foreign relations of the vassal 
state and affords it a varying degree of freedom in its internal 
affairs. A third method is by the self-governing colony. Great 
Britain has been remarkably successful with this method, as is 
shown in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and South Africa. 
These countries are to all intents and purposes republics. They 
have their own parliaments, elected by popular vote. At the 
head of the government is a responsible ministry modelled 
upon the British cabinet. The sole connection between the 
colony and the mother country is the governor-general sent 
from England. He acts as the representative of the British 
government in the colony and, with his vice-regal powers, 




HONG-KONG AND 
WEI-HAI-WEI 



TERRITORIAL POSSESSIONS OF GREAT BRITAIN, 1914 

Note:- This and the following maps of territorial possessions are drawn to the same scale 
lor purposes of comparison. 






FRENCH NORTHWEST AFRICA 

FRANCE 

FRENCH GUIANA 




FRENCH INDO-CHINA 



FRENCH SOMALILAND 



TERRITORIAL POSSESSIONS OF FRANCE, 1914 



GERMAN S.W. AFRICA ' 

tKIAO-CHAU TOGO LAND 
GERMANY i 

CAMEROONS !^ GERMAN EAST AFRICA 

M KAISERWILHELM W^^^^J 

^^L LAND i^^^B* 



TERRITORIAL POSSESSIONS OF GERMANY. 1914 

L.L.PO«TES I 



PORTUGUESE AMr-rM A 

EAST AFRICA ANGOLA PORTUGAL MADEIRA 



i 



°<" • AZO«ES 



CAPE VERDE 



TERRITORIAL POSSESSIONS OF PORTUGAL, 1914 

DUTCH EAST INDIES 

DUTCH GUIANA HOLLAND 

TERRITORIAL POSSESSIONS OF HOLLAND, 1914 



UNITED STATES 

J^^^^^^^^^^^^^ //J^ PHILIPPINE IS. 



h 
/% 






SAMOA PORTO RICO 



HAWAIIAN I 



TERRITORIAL POSSESSIONS OF THE UNITED STATES, 1914 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 349 

delights the imagination of the royalty-loving Briton, however 
little he really interferes with the actual colonial administration. 
Imperial federation is an outgrowth of this form of control. 
First in Canada, then in Australia, and finally in South Africa, 
federative systems of government have been introduced, binding 
the separate colonies in each of these localities the more closely 
together and making for a larger measure of self-government. 

The English have been especially successful in the promotion The English 
of great industrial works, such as factories, railroads, and mining ^ Colonial 
ventures in their colonial possessions. In the development of 
trade in the commercial wares of her colonies and in the 
exchange of articles manufactured in Europe, the English are 
rivalled by no other people save the Germans. The latter have The Germans 
also proven successful as agricultural colonists, especially in ^^ Coiomzers 
America. They are willing to settle in a wilderness in the 
hope of making it blossom like the rose; and their willingness 
to endure hardships and hard work is an important feature of 
their colonial efforts. Although the French lack this quaUty The French 
and have not been as successful as true colonizers, they have ^°^°^^^ 

' -^ System 

proven themselves great colonial administrators and have added 
considerably to the wealth of their colonies. The Dutch are Dutch Policy 
very successful in winning the loyalty of their subject colonies 
by a policy of avoiding friction with native customs and 
institutions. 

141. The Influence of Expansion upon the European Situa- 
tion and the European War of 1914. — The principle of impe- 
riahsm has for several decades exercised a marked influence upon 
international relations, and this influence will undoubtedly con- 
tinue into the future. As Russia reached out toward the 
Pacific, she came in conflict with the expansionist programme 
of Japan, with a far-reaching train of consequences whose end 
no one can prophesy. Great Britain and Russia may come some 
day to blows over the control of central Asia. France and 
Great Britain were perilously near war over their interests in The Fashoda 
Africa, when at Fashoda the French attempted to prevent ^°<=*^®^* 



350 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

Great Britain from reaping the reward of her victory over the 
Mahdists in 1898. In 1906 Germany attempted to drive 
France out of Morocco and desisted only because of the 

The Aigefiras firm Stand of England and the other powers in the Algegiras 
conference. The United States has a keen interest in the 
maintenance of the Open-door in China and in wielding a para- 
mount influence in South America. The causes of the present 
war in large part are to be found in this rivalry for world domin- 
ion, this struggle for the Near East, for the mastery of the 
Pacific, and for the world's commerce. 

Pansiavism The Russiau plan of territorial extension southward to the 

Dardanelles, by uniting under her influence the people of the 
Balkan peninsula, long menaced the world's peace. England 
was one of the chief antagonists of Russia in this diplomatic 
contest; but in recent years German influence has been supreme 
in Constantinople. For centuries Austria has dreamed of the 
acquisition of the weaker Balkan states, yet the people of these 
states were overwhelmingly Slavic and hence more favorable 
to Russia. In Hungary, Russia was accused of fomenting 
conspiracies against the government in the interests of Pan- 
slavism. It required but a shght episode to precipitate a gen- 
eral conflict. This was the assassination of the Archduke 
Francis Ferdinand on the 28th of June, 1914, while riding 
through the streets of Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia. 

Causes of The assassin boasted that he was a Serb, although a citizen 

War "/°9^4 ^f Austria-Huugary. The latter government decided to use 
this incident as an excuse for humbling Serbia and made 
such drastic demands upon that government that to have 
acceded to them would have meant the virtual loss of inde- 
pendence. Russia thereupon notified Austria that she would 
not allow Austria to make war on Serbia "upon a mere 
pretext," and Germany responded with a demand upon Russia 
to keep out of the quarrel on penalty of war with both the 
Teutonic states. Like a row of blocks which children set up to 
topple over, the principal powers of Europe entered the war. 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 351 




352 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

Belgium became the highroad of a tremendous invasion by the 
German armies into France, and England entered the war to 
redress this alleged violation of Belgium's neutrality. How 
the war settled down to a grim burrowing beneath the ground 
in the entrenched and far flung battle lines on the East and 






-^ 't 



,i^«i^f^i^%:|L/ 



:)^^m: 




Sarajevo 

A view of the quaint little city of Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia, 
where the Crown Prince of Austria was assassinated. In the 14th and 15th 
centuries this city was the capital of an independent kingdom, but it was 
conquered by the Turks early in the 15 th century and remained under 
Ottoman rule until the 19th century. 



West; how Japan entered the war, ostensibly as the ally of 
England, but primarily to gain territorial and commercial 
supremacy in the Far East; how Italy finally threw in her 
sword against her old partners of the Triple Alliance; how a 
new Quadruple Alliance was formed by Germany, Austria- 
Hungary, Turkey and Bulgaria; how Roumania after long 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 353 

delay unsheathed the sword ; of ZeppeHn and submarine warfare ; 
and the world-wide character of this most disastrous conflict 
that the world has ever known; all these must be the province 
of a future writing. 

SUGGESTIVE TOPICS AND QUESTIONS FOR 
FURTHER STUDY 

I. Name in order the independent states which have emerged from the 
Ottoman Empire in modern times. 2. Explain the part played by the Euro- 
pean powers in the estabhshment of the kingdom of Greece and discuss the 
bearing of this matter on the European War of 1914. 3. Discuss the causes, 
events, results, and the terms of the treaty ending the Crimean War. 
4. Discuss the unbearable conditions under the rule of the Sultan in Bosnia, 
Herzegovina, and Bulgaria. 5. Contrast the poUciesof Gladstone and Dis- 
raeli concerning the Balkan question. 6. Discuss the causes, events, re- 
sults and the terms of the treaty ending the Russo-Turkish War, 1877-8. 
7. Show how the proceedings of the Cong'ress of Berhn sowed the seeds for 
a later general European War. 8. Describe the estabhshment of the king- 
dom of Bulgaria. 9. What is the Panslavic movement? 10. What is 
your estimate of the work of the Young Turk party? 11. What is the pres- 
ent status of the Balkan situation? 12. Give a more complete account of 
the Mahdist rebellion. 13. Describe the administration of Lord Cromer. 
14. What is the object of the Nationahst movement in Egypt? 15. Why 
is the Suez Canal regarded as the "Heel of Achilles" of the British empire? 
16. How have the mihtary operations around the Suez Canal perhaps modi- 
fied the future interpretation of the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty regarding the 
Panama Canal? 17. What is the outlook for Morocco? 18. What bearing 
has the Great European War on the future of the Congo region? 19. De- 
scribe the operations of the British colonial forces against the German colonies 
in Africa, 1914-16. 20. Summarize the British conquest of South Africa 
touching on the seizure of Natal and the Orange River colony; Gladstone 
and the Boers; Boer pohcy toward foreigners; Jameson's raid; Kruger; 
attitude of William II of Germany during the Boer War; the Boer War 
and its results; the present government of South Africa and its problems. 
21. Summarize the policies of Great Britain, Russia, Germany, and Japan with 
regard to China. 22. Summarize Chinese history from the Chino- Japanese 
War to the death of Yuan Shi Kai in 19 16. 23. Contrast pohtical, 
social, and industrial conditions in Japan before and since the revo- 
lution. 24. In the Hght of the Great European War did Germany receive 
a fair deal at the Algejiras conference? 25. What colonies were held by 
each of the following nations at the opening of the European War in 1914: 
Great Britain, France, Belgium, Italy, Germany, Portugal, The Netherlands, 
Spain? What changes in possession have been effected? 26. Discuss the 
conditions in India at the present time. 27. What was the Quebec Act? 
28. Give the terms of the Canadian Federation Act of 1867. 29. Discuss 



354 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

the territorial and industrial advance of Canada since the federation. 
30. What are the pohtical parties in Canada today? For what does each 
stand? 31. Discuss the relation between Canada and Great Britain; Canada 
and the United States. 32. How large a part of India is under the direct 
rule of England ? What are the relations maintained with the other 
portions ? 33. Describe the social reforms introduced in AustraHa and New 
Zealand. 34. Compare the governments of AustraHa and Canada. 35. Illus- 
trate the loyalty of the British colonies to their sovereign since 1870. 

Collateral Reading 

I. The Disruption of the Ottoman Empire and the Rise of the 
Balkan States. 

Hazen, Europe since 1815, pp. 601-44. Robinson and Beard, Devel- 
opment of Modern Europe, Vol. II, pp. 303-17. Schurman, The 
Balkan Wars, pp. 3-13 1. Duggan, The Eastern Question, 
pp. 1-152. Gooch, History of Our Time, pp. 120-30. Seignobos, 
Contemporary Civilization, pp. 307-34. Buxton, Europe and the 
Turks, pp. 1-118. McCarthy, A Short History of Our Own Times, 
pp. 132-62, 405-26, 473-6. Miller, The Ottoman Empire, pp. 399- 
504. Sloane, The Balkans, pp. 3-292. Gibbons, The New 

. Map of Europe, pp. 131-219, 263-367. Jane, Metternich to 
Bismarck, pp. 46-69. Hawkesworth, Last Century in Europe, 
pp. 371-87. Cross, A History of England and Greater Britain, 
pp. 959-65, 1002-6, 1082-3. Hayes, Modfern Europe, Vol. II, 
pp. 46-50, Chap. XXVI. Rose, European Nations, Part I, 
pp. 184-343. 
11. The Partition of Africa. 

Johnston, The Opening Up of Africa, pp. 101-252. Hazen, pp. 371-5, 
536-45, 550-63. Robinson and Beard, Vol. II, pp. 353-66. Gooch, 
pp. 179-204. Seignobos, pp. 355-63. Larson, Short History of 
England, pp. 596-607, 610-1. Johnston, History of the Coloni- 
zation of Africa by AHen Races, pp. 125-45, 160-89, 208-76. 
McCarthy, pp. 441-5, 465-73^ 497-502, 532-9- Gibbons, pp. 241- 
262. Hawkesworth, pp. 410-29, 446-50, 465-84. Cross, 
pp. 1013-6, 1029-35, 1063-4. Harris, Intervention and Coloni- 
zation in Africa. Hayes, Vol. II, pp. 614-37. Rose, Part I, 
pp. 143-298. 
III. The Expansion of Europe into Asia. 

Hazen, pp. 518-23, 681-705. Robinson and Beard, Vol. II, pp. 331- 
53. Gooch, pp. 154-78. Brinkley-Kikuchi, A History of the 
Japanese People, pp. 679-740. Asakawa, The Russo-Japanese 
Conflict, pp. 65-372. Grifhs, Japan in History, pp. 203-44. Cantlie 
and Jones, Sun Yat Sen, pp. 66-136, 214-40. McCarthy, pp. 44- 
57, 170-200, 487-97. Hunter, Brief History of the Indian People 
(found in Beard, English Historians, pp. 638-44). Hawkesworth, 
pp. 485-97. Smith, Student's History of England, pp. 326-60. 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 355 

Cross, pp. 966-74, 1006-7, 1063-4, Seignobos, pp. 363-71. 
Hayes, Vol. II, Chap. XXVII. Rose, Part II, 44-91, 299-319. 

IV. English Self-governing Colonies. 

Bradley, Canada, pp. 66-250. Bryce, Australia (found in Beard, 
pp. 645-62). Gooch, pp. 223-6. Bryce, The Ancient Roman 
Empire and the British Empire in India, pp. 1-133. Cross, 
pp. 1063-9. Hazen, pp. 523-36. Hayes, Vol. II. Chap. XXIX. 

V. The European War of 19 14. 

Hart, The War in Europe. Simonds, The Great War. Anonymous, 
I Accuse. Beveridge, What is Back of the War. White, A Text- 
book of the War. Gibbons, pp. 368-412. Rose, The Origins of 
the War. Miinsterberg, The War and America. Burgess, Euro- 
pean War of 1914. Hayes, Modern Europe, Vol. II, Chap. XXX, 
Rose, Part II, pp. 376-95. 

Source Studies 

1. Letter of Lord Byron on the modern Greeks. Robinson and Beard, 

Readings in Modern European History, Vol. II, pp. 386-8. 

2. Independence of the kingdom of Greece. Ihid., pp. 384-8. 

3. The Crimean War. Ibid., pp. 389-94. 

4. Treaty of Berhn. Ihid., pp. 396-8. 

5. Macedonian disorders. Ibid., pp. 399-400. 

6. Bulgarian independence. Ibid., pp. 395-6, 400-1. 

7. The annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Ibid., pp. 401-3. 

8. The opening of the first Turkish parhament. Ibid., pp. 403-5. 

9. The Turko-Italian War of 191 1 and Tripoli. Year-books; Independent; 

Outlook; Literary Digest; Review of Reviews. 

10. The Balkan Wars. Ibid. Schurman, The Balkan Wars. (Not a source 

but a contemporary account.) 

11. The European War of 19 14. Sheip and Bacon, Handbook of The Euro- 

pean War. (Contains ample source material for a study of the 
beginning of the conflict.) Collected Diplomatic Documents Rela- 
ting to the Outbreak of the European War. (Official statements of 
each of the belligerents defending their entry into the war.) Published 
in International Conciliation, nos. 83-90, 93-96, loi. Contem- 
porary reviews and journals. 

12. Present extent of European colonies. Robinson and Beard, Vol. II, 

pp. 413-5. 

13. The colonial question and the Great War. Simonds in the Review of 

Reviews. 

14. The work of the missionaries. Robinson and Beard, Vol. II, pp. 415-9. 

15. Abolition of the opium traffic. Ibid., pp. 419-22. 

16. Chinese Gordon. Ibid., pp. 422-3. 

17. A review of Japan's economic advance. Ibid., pp. 430-1. 

18. Japanese constitution. Ibid., pp. 431-3. 

19. Chino- Japanese War. Ibid., pp. 433-5. 



356 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

20. The Boxer uprising. Ibid., pp. 435~4i- 

21. The educational revolution in China. Ihid., pp. 441-4. 

22. The Russo-Japanese War. Ibid., pp. 444-7- 

23. The Chinese poHtical revolutions, — empire, repubhc, empire. Con- 

temporary reviews and journals. Year-books. Chinese Year-book. 

24. Stanley and Livingston. Robinson and Beard, Vol. II, pp. 449-52. 

25. The partition of Africa. Ihid., pp. 448-9. 

26. The Congo atrocities. Ibid., pp. 453-4- 

27. English occupation of Egypt. Ibid., pp. 454-8. Year-books for 1914-15. 

Suggestions for Map Work 
I. On an outline map of the Balkan region show the Ottoman Empire at 
its widest extent; indicate the various losses of the empire to 19 14. 2. On 
an outUne map of the Balkan regions show the problems of nationality which 
produced the European War of 19 14. 3. On an outline map of Europe 
indicate the alignment of -powers in the European War of 1914. 4. Show 
the expansion of Russia in Asia at the time of its widest extent. Indicate 
the losses. Show the Trans-Siberian raikoad. 5. Show the growth of 
Japanese empire in eastern Asia; indicate the principal places of historic 
interest in China. 6. Show the partition of Africa to 1914. Indicate the 
colonial problems arising from the European War of 1914. Locate the places 
mentioned in the chapter. Show the route of the Cape to Cairo raikoad; 
of Stanley's explorations; of the projected German railroad; the Suez Canal. 
7. Show the spheres of interest of the great European powers in Asia Minor 
and Persia. Locate the principal railroad projects. Indicate the strategic 
pointsin the European War of 1914. 8. Show on an outline map the territo- 
rial divisions of Canada; the transcontinental railroads; the principal cities. 
9. Show on a map of Australasia the territorial divisions; the gold region; the 
principal cities. 9. On a map of the world show the distribution of the prin- 
cipal European languages. 10. On a map of the world show the colonial 
possessions of Great Britain, Germany, France, Italy, Belgium, and the 
United States in 1914. 11. On a map of the world show the distribution of 
the principal European races. Locate the routes made possible by the 
Panama Canal; by the Suez Canal. 

Map References 

Shepherd, Historical Atlas. Holt. Dismemberment of the Ottoman 
Empire since 1683, p. 164, Distribution of races in the Balkan peninsula 
and Asia Minor, p. 165. Europe in 1910, p. 166. The growth of European 
and Japanese dominions in Asia, 1801-1910, p. 170. Australia and New 
Zealand since 1788, p. 172. The partition of Africa, p. 174. The Suez 
Canal and Egypt, p. 1 74. The Boer repubUcs to 1902, p. 1 75. Distribution 
of the principal European languages, p. 176. Distribution of Europeans, 
Chinese, Japanese, and Negroes, p. 177. Colonies, dependencies, and trade 
routes, p. 179. Canada and Newfoundland, p. 212. Panama Canal, p. 216. 

Dow, Atlas of European History. Holt. Ottoman Empire from 1729- 



EXPANSION OF EUROPE IN ASIA AND AFRICA 357 

1878, p. 29. European Turkey from the Treaty of Berlin to the Balkan 
Wars, p. 29. Partition of Africa to I906, p. 30. The Boer Republics on the 
eve of their suppression, p. 30, 

Muir, School Atlas of Modern History. Holt. Growth of the Ottoman 
Empire, p. 21. Algiers and Tunis, p. 21. Political distribution of Euro- 
peans in the West Indies, 1855, p. 41. India in 1858, p. 46. Expansion of 
Europe into Africa, p. 47. Cape Colony before and after the Great Trek, 
p. 47. West Africa, p. 47. South Africa, showing the growth of British 
power during the nineteenth century, p. 47, Natal and Zululand for the 
Boer and Zulu Wars, p. 47. Australasia, p. 48. 

Gardiner, Atlas oj English History. Longmans. Southeastern Europe, 
1856, p. 60. France, 1860-71, p. 62. Southeastern Europe, 1892, p. 63. 
The world showing British possessions, 1907, p. 65. India, 1857, p. 61. 
Africa, 1897, p. 66. Siege of Sebastopol, p. 88. 

Robertson-Bartholomew, Atlas of Modern European History. Oxford 
Press. The Ottoman Empire and the Balkans, 1789-1815, No. 22. The 
Ottoman Empire and the Balkans, 1815-60, No. 23. The Ottoman Empire 
and the Balkans, 1856-78, No. 24. The Balkan States, 1878-1911, No. 25. 
The Balkan States, 1911-1914, No. 25. The Ottoman Empire in Asia, 
1 789-1914, No. 26. Southern Russia, 1721-1914, No. 29.. Persia and the 
Persian Gulf, No. 2,2)- Africa, 1914, No. 34. The Far East from 1789-1815, 
No, 26. Southern Russia, 1721-1914, No. 29. Persia and the Persian Gulf , 
No. 7,7,. Africa, 1914, No. 34. The Far East from 1815-1914, No. 35. Co- 
lonial Powers, 1914, No. 36. 

Bibliography 

Asakawa. The Russo-Japanese Conflict. Houghton Mifflin. 

Beard. Introduction to the English Historians. Macmillan. 

Beveridge. What is Back of the War. Bobbs-Merrill, 

Bradley. Canada. Holt. 

Brinkley-Kikuchi. A History of the Japanese People. The Encycloped a 
Britannica Co. 

Bryce. The Ancient Roman Empire and the British Empire in India. Ox- 
ford University Press. 

Burgess. The European War of 1914- McClurg. 

Buxton. Europe and the Turks. Methuen Co. London. 

CantHe and Jones. Sun Yat Sen. Revell. 

Collected Documents Relating to the Outbreak of the European War. 
T. Fisher Unwin. London. 

Cross. A History of England and Greater Britain. Macmillan. 

Duggan. The Eastern Question. Macmillan. 

Forbes and others. The Balkans. Oxford University Press. 

Gibbons. The New Map of Europe. Century. 

Gooch. History of Our Time. Holt. 

Griffis. Japan in History. Houghton Mifflin. 

Harris. Intervention and Colonization in Africa. Houghton Mifflin. 

Hart. The War in Europe. Appleton. 




Greenwich 




REFERENCE 
ted States | | France 



I I Spain 

at Britain [ ', | Netherlands | | Portugal 

fiiany | [ Beigium ' ' 

sia 



I I Japan 



Italy 

Couni 

Foreign Possessions 



D COLONIES AND DEPENDENCIES, 1914 



10 Longitude 60 



from 120 Greenwich 150 



CHAPTER XII 
THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 

142. The Domestic Problems of Individual States in 1870: 
their Origin and Nature. — While the different states of Europe 
were taking an active part in shaping the destinies of the 
heretofore uncivilized and backward continents, they were 
undergoing important changes within their own boundaries. 
These changes were in part the result of this expansion 
movement and therefore cannot be separated from it. It 
is perhaps possible to appreciate more fully the transforma- 
tion which these states were undergoing in their social, po- 
litical, and intellectual life if it be considered apart from the 
external developments described in the preceding chapter. The 
epoch which opens about 1870 found them confronting certain 
difficulties which were in a measure a legacy from their past. 
For example, the creation of two new states, the German Em- 
pire and the Kingdom of Italy, was not accomplished without 
giving rise to many a perplexing problem to be solved by 
succeeding generations. Attention has already been called to 
this fact in a preceding chapter (sec. 267). 

The problems to which these events gave rise were not Conditions 
without their influence upon neighboring states, and, as is 
the case with the individual so it was with the state, it found 
it impossible to "live unto itself." The Industrial Revolution, 
which was fast spreading to the remotest confines of the globe 
and which was taking on new forms and developments with the 
progress of time, gave rise to new issues which made the tasks of 
the statesmen of this epoch more and more difficult. Industry, 
accompanied as it was by intellectual and scientific progress, 



Responsible for 
the Problems 



360 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The Great 
Problems 



Their Origin 



Militarism 



seemed to have no fixed bounds or limits; commerce assumed 
stranger and stranger forms and shaped all social and political 
progress as never before in human history. Older problems took 
on larger and larger proportions until they loomed like great 
obstacles in the path of progress. 

Among the more important problems which now pressed 
for solution were: (i) militarism and the great burden of main- 
taining armaments; (2) the desire of each nation to give 
expression to its ideals and to shape progress after its own 
peculiar notions; (3) the relations of church and state; (4) the 
profitable development of trade and industry, with the ques- 
tion of the relative advantages of a free trade versus a 
protective policy; (5) the extension of education; and (6) 
finally, related to all these, and yet distinct from them all, the 
spread of socialism and the growth of socialist parties. 

All these problems can be readily traced in their origin to one 
or the other of the general conditions already mentioned. The 
desire of Bismarck to keep Germany in a state of preparedness 
in the event that France should seek to recover her lost prov- 
inces; the knowledge that he had attained his end by force 
and that it would be unwise, for the time being, at least, to 
abandon the methods which had proved so successful, com- 
mitted Germany to a policy which has been widely imitated. 
There was not only conscious imitation but a conviction in the 
minds of many of the leaders of other states that only by 
similar methods could their own states hope to retain their 
place in the sun, and not only maintain their existence but 
count for something among their neighbors. Sardinia had 
demonstrated the advantages of a well-organized army in the 
formation of the new kingdom of Italy, and it was natural that 
it too should continue to maintain an effective fighting force. 
The nations of Western Europe, one and all, with the exception 
of England, adopted or maintained a system of compulsory 
military service. Each vied with the other in the adoption of 
new and improved fighting machines and in the expenditure of 



THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 361 

vast sums of money upon their fighting forces, be they armies 
or navies. The question began to be raised in many of these 
states as to whether such expenditures were not sapping their 
vitaHty and energy and might not better be abandoned for more 
profitable forms of effort. 

The intensity of the national spirit in some of the coun- Nationalism 
tries of Europe often showed itself in a form of chauvinism, 
or a contempt for neighboring states, that called for vigorous 
repression on the part of those in power. This condition 
was in part responsible for the imperialistic tendencies dis- 
cussed elsewhere. 

Intellectual progress and the desire to free education from 
the control of any particular church organization helped to 
bring the question of church and state to the fore in many of 
the countries of Europe. The absorption of the papal territories Relations 
into the new kingdom of Italy caused this question to assume °*^^""^ 
a different aspect here from its form elsewhere. Then again 
there was the desire to consolidate into one administrative 
system all religious activities except those of actual worship. 
Everywhere the relationship gave rise to perplexing questions. 
In some cases the state church was maintained by the contri- 
butions of a people who worshipped in a different church and 
who felt it to be a rank injustice to have their money diverted 
to an institution for which they felt no attachment. Such was 
the case, for example, in Ireland. These questions of church 
and state were only one of the many results of the equalizing 
and levelling movement which is a marked characteristic of 
recent years. 

How best to secure and hold its trade was a matter of absorb- Free Trade 
ing interest to each state as it began to reaHze the increasing ^^ P'^ote<=«°" 
profits which accrued from this source with the perfection of 
modern business methods. Whether to erect the barrier of a 
tariff wall or to allow free entry to the goods of others was a 
question not easy to answer, as it involved so many considera- 
tions of wages, nationality, and standards of living. 



362 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Illiteracy 



Spread of 
Socialism 



Karl Marx 
and the 
Socialist 
Parties 



Education, outside of certain very limited areas, had thus far 
not made much progress and many of the countries still suffered 
from the effects of the ignorance and low mentality of the 
masses. How best to meet the need everywhere recognized, 
without at the same time undermining the foundations of 
society and of the state by a too rapid transition from their 
former condition; what sort of an education to provide; how 
best to deal with the evils which ignorance had already deeply 
rooted — these were matters of no little moment to many of the 
states of Europe in the period which opened about 1870. 

The unrest of the epoch was to be seen in the rapid advance 
of the socialist movement, not alone among the wage earners 
but among the thinking classes. The origin of the movement 
has already been touched upon as well as the different theories 
held by its adherents as to how the present order of society should 
be changed and improved. The peaceful solutions proposed 
by the early socialists now began to give place to more violent 
and radical programmes. For example, there were the Syndical- 
ists represented in this country by the Industrial Workers of the 
World. They had their origin in France and took their name 
from the syndic, the French equivalent for a trade union. They 
counselled violence to attain their ends and conceived the 
relations between capital and labor to be that of a perpetual 
warfare in which neither side should ask or give quarter. The 
workers were to wage a bitter struggle with the capitalists until 
they had wrested from them the machines and factories which 
gave them their peculiar advantage. Political parties bearing 
the name of socialist were formed in every state. This may be 
traced in part to the influence of a young German, Karl Marx. 
In 1848 he issued the Communist Manifesto, calling upon all 
workers to unite. Organized political socialism may be said to 
date from this step. The socialists abandoned their Utopian 
visions of the early days and began to unite as political parties, 
demanding the reorganization of the existing social and industrial 
order on the basis of democratic government. In other words 



THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 363 

they sought a species of industrial democracy. Many of their industrial 
adherents sought not so much the new social order to be secured ^^^o^^cy 
through the reorganization of industry, but rather a greater 
measure of political freedom. The social democratic parties, 
as they were often called, were parties of protest and usually 
the only party in a position to voice the longings of the people. 

The political transformation which brought the nations of 
Europe nearer and nearer to the goal of true democracy can be 
best understood and its significance grasped by passing in 
review the great powers of western Europe. In each one the 
voice of the people begins to be heard and heeded, but this does 
not mean that in every case they attain to the same measure of 
freedom, nor do they find themselves the real masters of the 
situation. Two nations stand out as bulwarks of the monarchic 
and autocratic idea: Germany and Russia. 

143. The Preponderance of Germany in Europe and the 
Maintenance of the Monarchical Principle. — Two aims German Aims 
seemed to dominate Bismarck, who continued in power for 
the first twenty years of the period: namely, to maintain 
Germany's commanding position in Europe and to preserve 
the imperial form of government. These objects were also 
sought by his real successor, the present Emperor William II. 

Bismarck made it a cardinal point in his policies to safeguard 
the work completed in 187 1 by powerful alliances which should 
prevent France from recovering her lost provinces and at the 
same time give Germany a commanding position in Europe. 
He courted the Tsar, the Emperor of Austria, and later the 
King of Italy. The first alliance which he concluded was known 
as the league of the three Emperors and included the German 
Emperor, the ruler of Austria, and the Russian Tsar. He 
lost the friendship of Russia, however, because of his part in 
the Congress of Berlin in 1878, Russia's place being taken later by 
Italy (1882). This new alliance, which was defensive in char- 
acter, was known as the Triple Alliance and guaranteed to each 
state the arrangements which it had already made for its own 



364 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The Imperial 
Government 



The Power 
of Prussia 



internal affairs and for its existing boundaries. France was in 
a position of almost complete isolation until Russia's defection 
from the league of the three Emperors. Such was the rapidity 
of France's recovery from the events of 1870-1871 and so fear- 
ful was Bismarck of a reopening of the Alsace-Lorraine ques- 
tion in a war of revenge upon Germany, that it has been asserted 
that he was on the point of attacking her in 1875, had he not 
been dissuaded by the attitude of Russia. Bismarck and 
William I were most successful in making and holding friends 
for Germany. German diplomacy has not proved quite so 
successful since Bismarck's fall. The Empire has nevertheless 
attained to the position of a world power and is the rival of 
England in her influence over Western Europe. This is largely 
the result of the naval policy begun by her present ruler and 
the maintenance of friendly relations with her neighbors. The 
European War of 19 14, however, has upset these relationships 
in a disagreeable manner. 

A careful analysis of the government of the German Empire 
shows on the one hand a retention of certain mediaeval forms 
and practices and, on the other, the tremendous power and 
influence of Prussia over the whole imperial edifice. When 
Bismarck drew up a constitution for the North-German Con- 
federation, which later became the framework of the govern- 
ment of modern Germany, he was dominated by one idea, and 
that was to make Prussia supreme. This was a comparatively 
easy task, as so much of German territory was under her 
direct control. The Prussian constitution has not been changed 
radically since its proclamation in 1850. The friends of 
democracy were disappointed in the results accomplished in its 
framing, as has already been indicated. Bismarck's apparently 
high-handed acts of the epoch between 1862 and 1866 had been 
carried on seemingly in the face of opposition from the Prussian 
lower house. This fact in itself serves to indicate the weakness 
of the constitution as a bulwark of the people's rights. Prussian 
territory included 134,616 square miles or 64% of all Germany; 



THE ADVANCE OE DEMOCRACY 



365 




Count Otto von Bismarck 
The artificer of German unity had as his guiding maxim, "To be too logical 
in politics is frequently a fault which leads to obstinacy. It is necessary to 
veer with the course of things, with various possibilities; to regulate ones 
conduct by circumstances and not by a personal opinion which is frequently 
a prejudice." 



366 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The 
Bundesrat 



its population now numbers 40,000,000 or 61% of the total 
population of the empire. The control of a state so great in 
extent and so populous gives its ruler, who is at the same time 
German Emperor, a tremendous advantage. 

The chief governing bodies of the empire are the Federal 
Council or Bundesrat and the Imperial Diet or Reichstag. 
These two bodies may be regarded as forming a sort of par- 
liament, the Bundesrat corresponding to the upper house and 
the Reichstag to the lower. The analogy, however, is not very 
close. Each is possessed of separate functions. The Federal 
Council is in the nature of an advisory board to the Emperor 
and consists of the personal representatives of the rulers or of 
the chief governing authority in each of the twenty-five states. 
Its members are selected by those in authority, be they kings, 
grand dukes, municipal council (as is the case with Hamburg), 
or princes. They serve at the pleasure of those who appoint 
them, doing their bidding in all matters. Since 191 1 the 
imperial vice-royalty of Alsace-Lorraine also sends represen- 
The Reichstag tatives. The Reichstag represents the people and is chosen by 
their vote, i.e. by all male Germans over twenty-five years 
of age. This was Bismarck's concession to the people to 
make the empire popular with them. 

The imperial government, as contrasted with the governments 
of the separate states, has charge of all matters pertaining to 
peace and war, foreign relations, commerce and navigation, 
banking, etc. The Emperor has power ''to declare war, con- 
clude peace, and* frame alliances, but the consent of the Fed- 
eral Council (Bundesrat) is needed for the declaration of war 
in the name of the Empire." Its consent, however, is not 
necessary in the case of a defensive war. Sessions of both 
Bundesrat and Reichstag are convened every year at the call of 
the Emperor, who may also adjourn and close them. No laws 
are laid before the Reichstag without first receiving the approval 
of the . Bundesrat. The Imperial Chancellor, the appointee 
of the Emperor, is his personal representative in these meet- 



The Imperial 
Chancellor 



THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 367 

ings, either presiding over or supervising their business. 
Prussia, with its king in the imperial saddle, its seventeen 
out of sixty-one members in the Bundesrat, and its two 
hundred and thirty-six out of three hundred and ninety- 
seven members in the Reichstag, is the dominant factor in 
shaping the destinies of the imperial fabric. The Prussian con- 
stitution, by its denial of equal voting to the masses and its 
bestowal of unrestricted authority upon its ruler, places the 
German Emperor in a position comparable to that of no other 
European monarch save the Russian Tsar. 

144. Bismarck's Domestic Policy. — This autocratic power Bismarck'! 
and Germany's position in Europe were not maintained by ^""^^^^^^ 
Bismarck during his Chancellorship without a series of struggles. 
The first foe which appeared was the Church. The contest 
which ensued will be described in connection with the social 
transformation of Europe. More formidable, perhaps, was the 
rising party known as the Social Democrats. It voiced the 
aspirations and desires of the working classes, and its numbers 
rapidly increased as Germany turned more and more to industry. 
Bismarck checked the activity of the Social Democrats by 
wresting from them some of their most formidable weapons, 
putting into operation many of their desired reforms, but under 
imperial rather than popular control. He made the state 
itself responsible for the care of the worker by laws enforcing 
compensation in case of accidents and by regulations providing 
against sickness and a destitute old age. This pension legisla- industrial 
tion or industrial insurance was a great step toward solving ^°^"^*°*^® 
some of the problems consequent upon the industrial revolu- 
tion, and the present emperor from the outset of his reign 
has shown his sympathy with and support of such legisla- 
tion. In spite of these efforts to cut away the ground from 
beneath the Social Democrats, their number has steadily 
increased, especially in Prussia, where all efforts to secure 
equal voting have thus far proved a failure. As the prop- 
ertied classes receive undue recognition in the government. 



368 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Bismarck's 
Protective 
Policy 



Policy of 
WUliam II 



The Navy 



there is every reason to expect that the Social Democrats will 
continue their struggle. 

Another difficulty which faced Bismarck was largely economic 
in character. It was during Bismarck's period of power that 
Germany abandoned free trade for a protective policy. Ger- 
many seems to have suffered a severe panic about the time 
our own land was having its financial difficulties (1873). This 
panic, due in part to overconfidence, following the tremendous 
payments of the French war indemnity, was partially responsible 
for the change of policy. The aim of the new policy seems to 
have been to benefit both farmer and manufacturer. In con- 
sequence of the duties on foodstuffs, Germany has been referred 
to as the land of ''dear bread and dear meat." There can be 
no question of the tremendous advance of industry since 1873, 
whether the results of these measures or due to other causes. 
Food is probably no dearer in Germany than in many other 
countries where the population is dense and industry has the 
right of way. The attitude of the government toward these 
questions has been decidedly paternalistic, subsidizing and 
aiding by every means possible industrial enterprises likely to 
make for the country's prosperity. By concluding the Triple 
Alliance, Bismarck made Germany the arbiter of central and 
western Europe. This combination, which in its early form 
as the Dual Alliance was designed primarily to check France, 
gradually came to be one of the great forces responsible for 
the peace of contemporary Europe. 

145. The Reign of William II. — When William II ascended 
the throne, it was apparent that a man of no ordinary ability 
had come upon the scene. He had been called to the throne 
at the age of 29 on account of the untimely death of his father, 
who had ruled but 99 days and who was suffering from an 
incurable disease when he became emperor in 1888. Williajn's 
reign inaugurated two decided departures from the policies 
followed by his predecessors. The first was an effort to build 
up a strong navy. "Our future lies on the water," was his 



THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 



369 



now famous utterance. Hand in hand with this resolve 
to make Germany a naval power was an interest in colonies 
and in colonial enterprise. Germany's ventures in this field 
have been described in another connection (see sec. 321). 
William II also showed the 
characteristic HohenzoUern in- 
terest in the army. His first 
words upon ascending the 
throne were addressed to it, and 
time and again he has empha- 
sized his belief that in a strong 
army and in military prepared- 
ness lies the secret of Ger- 
many's future position in 
Europe. 

These convictions of the 
Emperor have placed a heavy 
financial burden upon the 
people and have brought upon 
him the hostility of the Social 
Democrats. He has been ac- 
cused of favoring a compara- 
tively small military party 
made up of those who have 
found in the army a career 
carrying with it social distinc- 
tion and the special favor of 
the emperor-king. The com- 
parative success of his naval 
policy is shown by the fact that in 19 14 Germany ranked as 
the second great naval power in the world. Starting well at 
the foot of the ladder in 1898, in comparison with the other 
great powers, this progress is nothing short of remarkable. 

One of the most sensational steps taken by the young mon- 
arch soon after his accession was the dismissal of Bismarck as 




William II, Third Emperor of 
THE German Empire 

His conception of his office is strik- 
ingly similar to that held by Louis 
XIV, as shown by his own words. 
In a visitor's register in Munich, he 
wrote, Suprema lex regis voluntas esto 
(Let the King's will be highest law). 
The German people regard him as 
the embodiment of their own virile 
and efficient ideals. 



370 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The Fall 
of Bismarck 



Prince von 
Buelow 



The Future 
of Germany 



Chancellor. It was not possible for two such strong wills to work 
in harmony, and in 1890 the emperor asked for the resignation 
of his grandfather's trusted counsellor. This was a great blow 
to the old chancellor and astounded Europe. Ever since this 
the chancellor has been the mouthpiece of the ruler and has 
never attained the position of coworker or master, as was the 
case with Bismarck. Perhaps the most able man called to this 
position was Prince von Buelow, who held office from 1900 to 
1908. His handling of the foreign relations of Germany and 
his efforts to make her a real world power were marked by 
conspicuous success. 

There can be no question but that the present ruler has a 
high conception of his responsibility to his people and is seek- 
ing by every means in his power to identify his own interests 
with those of the country at large. His efforts to secure 
markets for German trade throughout the world are a recog- 
nition of one of the foundations of Germany's power — her 
unexampled industries. The great question in Germany today 
seems to be whether the Prussian imperial system will be 
maintained in its original form or be seriously modified by giv- 
ing the people a larger share in the management of their affairs. 
The European War of 1914 may have much to do with deter- 
mining this. 

146. The Maintenance of Autocracy in Russia. — Down 
to 1855 backwardness and stagnation had been the main char- 
acteristics of Russia — that other great representative of the 
monarchic idea in our day. The Napoleonic wars had done 
much to arouse Russia to a sense of her greatness, but in spite 
of the pride felt in the expulsion of Napoleon the people made 
little progress in the period which followed. The sentimentality 
of Alexander I, the one-time friend of Napoleon and the origi- 
nator of the Holy Alliance, counted for little in relieving the 
wretched condition of the Russian people, and down to the 
time of the Crimean War the Russian Tsars maintained in 
their entirety that system of government and those traditions 



THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 371 

and customs which had been consecrated by centuries of 
repression and were so apparent under Peter the Great and 
Catherine II. Nicholas I, the brother and successor of Alex- The Russian 
ander I (1825), was an autocrat of the autocrats, remaining ,^°^^rn™e"t 
true, however, to the ambition of his ancestors to add to 
his patrimony by encroachments upon his neighbors. One of 
these enterprises, the Crimean War, as has been pointed out, 
broke the- long spell of peace which prevailed over Europe after 
the Napoleonic Wars. The interest of these rulers in the Near 
East is discussed elsewhere. Their ambitions never seemed to 
be directed toward amehorating the lot of their subjects. It 
would seem at times as though they engaged in these wars 
in order to distract the attention of their people from con- 
ditions at home. 

The Russian people had not been inactive in the years of The Autocracy 
revolution which marked the first half of the nineteenth century. "^ Nicholas i 
The death of the sentimental Alexander in 1825 occasioned the 
first effort to change conditions which was perhaps prompted 
by his failure to really transmute his promises into deeds. 
The leaders of this effort were members of the nobility who had The 
imbibed through contact with the French Revolution many of Mov^^^eTt* 
its liberal ideas. The movement came to nothing and was 
sternly suppressed. The new ruler, Nicholas I, was absolutely 
fearless and so firm a believer in the superior wisdom of the Tsar 
that nothing was to be expected from him in the way of reform. 
He was confronted in 1830 with a revolution in Poland, w^hich 
he rigorously put down. He even sent troops to assist the ruler 
of Austria in stamping out the uprising of 1848 in Hungary. 

It was not until his successor, Alexander II, came to the throne, Accession of 
that Russia began to progress towards a more enlightened ^^xander n 
administration (1855). In the year 1861 — a memorable date 
in the struggle to rid the United States of human slavery — 
the Tsar by proclamation freed the 21,000,000 serfs who were 
attached to the lands of the nobility. This proclamation was Emancipation 
followed by others, by which not only all the serfs in Russia were °^ ^^® ^^^^ 



372 



ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The Zemstva 



Education 



The Creed 
of NihUism 



Assassination 
of the Tsar 



The Reaction 

towards 

Absolutism 

The Industrial 
Revolution 
and its Effects 



freed and set up as proprietors of their farms, but arrangements 
were made for the participation of the people in local affairs 
by the creation of zemstva or local assemblies. These were 
made up of representatives from the peasants and the landed 
aristocracy. Although these measures were far from perfect 
and left the peasant burdened with certain obligations with 
reference to the land which retarded his progress, they were a 
long step towards placing the masses of the people on the same 
footing as the other peoples of Europe. The reign of this Tsar 
Liberator, as he was called from thenceforth, was also marked 
by a law throwing the universities open to a larger proportion 
of the population. These reform movements on the part of the 
government, however, received a decided setback as a result of 
the activities of the intellectual and student classes. The Tsar 
did not move fast enough to suit these ardent apostles of reform; 
he seemed to hesitate and possibly to regret what he had done. 
A doctrine known as Nihilism began to be preached by this class 
which met with wide acceptance. Its followers denied — as the 
name implies — those things which seemed to be realities, such 
as government, religion, and property, as they knew them, and 
proposed to sweep these away and to build anew where they 
had once been. This negative creed soon gave way to an active 
programme calling for the elimination by whatever means offered 
of all those in authority. Bomb throwing and assassination 
became the order of the day, and the emperor himself fell a 
victim (1881) at the very moment when he was meditating upon 
other reform measures to remove the unrest which was every- 
where apparent. His death sealed the fate of the Nihilists, as 
a decided reaction set in against them on the part of the people 
themselves, and they soon disappeared. 

By this time Russia had begun to feel the effects of the Indus- 
trial Revolution, and since then up to the present day, agitation 
for reform has been carried on through the factory workers. A 
protective policy was adopted by her ministers and encourage- 
ment was given to foreign capital to invest in Russian mines 



THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 373 

and factories. The Tsar and his ministers reahzed the impor- 
tance of developing the natural resources of the country and 
sought to remove every obstacle to Russia's industrial develop- 
ment. Thus lines of railroad began to be built. The most 
gigantic undertaking of this sort was the Trans-Siberian, already 
referred to, which was opened in 1902. The name of Count Count Witte 
Witte will always be associated with these undertakings. As 
minister of communications and later as minister of finance, 
he sought to place the county on a sound financial basis by 
introducing the gold standard and by providing adequate 
sources of revenue. The government monopoly in alcohol, 
which was given up at the outbreak of the War of 1914, 
was one of his means of providing revenue. He encouraged 
railroad building and favored a protective policy in order 
that Russian industries might be placed upon a stable 
foundation. 

The failure of the terrorist movement, as Nihilism was called 
in its destructive aspects, led the reformers to attempt a propa- 
ganda among the workers along socialistic lines, and the Rus- 
sian people now began to be inoculated with socialistic doctrines 
and to trust to socialistic reform programs. The new Tsar, Alexander m 
Alexander III (188 1), was a reactionary, and he associated with 
him, as both agent and mentor, the head of the Russian Greek 
Church, Pobyedonostseff, who reminds us of Metternich in his influence of 
distrust of the people. Parliaments and newspapers were ^g^.gggf^'^' 
branded as instruments of the Prince of Darkness; "orthodoxy, 
nationalism and autocracy" became the creed and program of 
the government. To realize the aim of this program the Jews Religious 
were persecuted and closely confined to certain well-defined ^^^^'^^ ^°^ 
areas known as the Pale, and a harmless, law-abiding dissent- 
ing sect was almost suppressed. The other points in this policy 
were illustrated in the efforts to Russianize the provinces of Russianizing 
Finland, Poland, and the German-speaking portions of the Em- ^°^^'^^ 
pire, restricting the use of their native tongue and wiping out 
their local liberties. 



374 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Character of 
Nicholas II 



Assassination 
of Plehve 



The October 
Manifesto 



The Duma 



147. Nicholas II and the Struggle for Representative Gov- 
ernment. — The present Tsar, who succeeded his father in 
1894, has exhibited many of the same tendencies. He is not as 
pronounced a character as Alexander III and has shown at 
times a decided leaning towards policies which do not harmonize 
altogether with the maintenance of autocracy. On the whole, 
however, his influence has been in the same direction. He was 
brought up at the feet of Pobyedonostseff, and the struggle to 
Russianize his subject peoples of other nationalities has been a 
dark page in the annals of his reign. The first efforts of the 
government to check the dissatisfaction and disorder which 
marked the opening months of the war with Japan in 1904-5 
resulted in the assassination of Plehve, the Tsar's minister in- 
trusted with the perservation of order. The successive defeats 
of Russia at the hands of the Japanese were followed by demands 
which were voiced most loudly by the working classes for a 
national representative assembly. It had been expected that 
Alexander's grant of the zemstva would have led to this long 
before this time, but the forces of autocracy have yielded but 
slowly to the demands of the hour. A great workingman's dem- 
onstration was organized in St. Petersburg, or Petrograd as it is 
now called, and on a memorable Sunday in January, 1905, thou- 
sands of their number marched toward the palace to lay their 
grievances before the Tsar. The troops were called out and the 
mob dispersed with considerable loss of life. The unrest con- 
tinued until finally the Tsar was obliged to issue the so-called 
October Manifesto (1905), calling for the meeting of a duma 
to be made up of representatives from all classes of the popula- 
tion. According to the terms of the proclamation no law was to 
be enacted in the future without its consent. It also promised 
control of officials by the duma and the recognition throughout 
the empire of freedom of speech, of religion, press, and assembly 
and "the widest possible extension of the franchise." This 
national assembly was to be composed of two houses, the one 
called a council of the empire and made up partly of officials 



THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 375 

appointed from the bureaucracy and partly of elected members, 
and the other of a lower elective house known as the duma. It 
met May 10, 1906, but again the hopes of the people were 
doomed to disappointment, as the Tsar, fearful of its power, dis- 
solved the assembly before it could accomplish anything. He 
called another assembly for the next year, hoping perhaps that 
he could more easily control it. Meanwhile, several of the radi- 
cal members of the duma had gone to Viborg in Finland and The Viborg 
there signed a protest against the action of the government. ^'"°*®^* 
Among other things this protest urged the people not to pay 
taxes, nor to grant recruits until the duma was restored. The 
Tsar and his ministers sought by manipulating the electoral laws 
in their own interest to secure a duma more to their liking, but 
only partially succeeded. This, too, had a brief but stormy ca- 
reer and was dissolved by government decree. The third duma 
Tnet in November, 1907, and, although much less representative 
than either of its predecessors, exercised a certain amount of con- 
trol over the Tsar and his ministers. The expenditures of the 
government were severely criticised as was also the system by 
which noble families, or relatives of the Tsar, were given im- 
portant posts in the government. The fourth duma is now in 
session (191 7). These meetings of the people's representatives 
have done much to educate the Russians in the practice of self- 
government. Their actual legislative achievements, however. Results 
have been small, and the whole period has been marked by A<^<=°™P^»shed 
wholesale arrests, disorder, and stubborn opposition to every 
reforming tendency. 

With the exception of the powers granted to the duma. The Russian 
Russia still remains in her organization the same autocratic ^°^«^^™e°t 
empire which Peter the Great bequeathed to his successors. 
The Tsar is usually assisted in the administration of the gov- 
ernment by members of the imperial family, who often occupy 
responsible positions at the head of the army or navy, or as 
governors of important provinces. Like his imperial cousin, 
William II, he selects a premier or right-hand man who is The Premier 



376 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

intrusted with the general oversight of the country, suggesting 
and carrying out poHcies in harmony with the wishes of his 

The august master. The bureaucracy is a tremendous force in 

ureaucracy Russia. A one-man system, such as prevails there, has made 
necessary a whole host of employees who may be compared 
to those which operate a great department store. They are 
not expected to act upon their own initiative, but get their 
orders from those higher up until the Tsar himself is reached. 
It is a very difficult matter to introduce any reforms in a 
system of this character, as has been demonstrated time 

Police and Spy and time again. The police and spy system are the in- 
^^ ^™ struments by which the Tsar and his minions keep them- 

selves informed of any political activity, and a lonely exile 
in far-off Siberia or death is the penalty for any agitation 
which threatens to undermine the power vested in the au- 
thorities. Military service is universal. With the increased 
strength and better organization of the army, revolution has 
become a more remote possibility. 

Russia and the It will be noted that every great war in which Russia has 

of 1914 participated has been followed by unrest and change. This 

was true in 1856, in 1878, and again in 1905. The European 
War of 1 9 14 may have momentous consequences for the 
Russian Empire and its people. The spread of education will 
undoubtedly accomplish much in the future as it has in the 
past. Much is also to be expected from the great material 
progress attendant upon the Industrial Revolution. The 
ignorant, superstitious peasant, who forms the backbone of 
the country, is , difficult material out of which to shape an 
alert, progressive nation. 

148. The Third Republic in France. — With the exception 
of the two countries just reviewed, Germany and Russia, much 
progress toward the democratic ideal is to be noted in the other 
great states of Europe. It was long-after 1870 before the govern- 
ment of France was placed upon a secure foundation, such 
was the force of her defeat at the hands of Prussia and the 



THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 377 

collapse of the hollow system known as the Second Empire. A Establishment 
republic had been immediately proclaimed following the news °^ *^® Republic 
of the disaster of Sedan. It had to pass through an ordeal of fire, 
however, before it became the accepted form of government. 
The crisis was not entirely passed until 1875, and, even after 
this date, many difficulties had to be surmounted to give the 
republic that standing and permanence which alone could safe- 
guard its future. In the spring of 1871, Paris became the 
scene of one of the bloodiest civil wars that history records. The The 
causes are somewhat difhcult of analysis, but the working classes, ^prisTg ^ 
suspecting the National Assembly of treason and wrought up to 
a high state of nervous tension by the siege through which 
they had just passed, took up arms against the government 
following the news of its removal to Versailles. The storm 
had been brewing for some time. It was in the nature of an 
anti-cUmax to the war. The people could not understand 
why France had failed in this crisis. W^hen, therefore, the 
National Assembly began to enact laws which bore heavily 
upon the poorer classes, stopped all payments to the national 
guard which had been formed from their number, and de- 
manded the payment of debts which had been suspended 
during hostilities, they were easily aroused to action by some 
of the bolder spirits. Suspecting the new assembly of mon- 
archistic tendencies, they announced as their platform the 
transformation of France into a federation of independent 
municipalities or communes. This avowed aim gave them 
their name of Communists (or Communards). The red flag was 
adopted and an organization effected. From the very beginning 
the provinces refused to follow the example set by Paris, and 
it was not long before the German army of occupation in 
Northern France witnessed the strange sight of regular troops Destructive 
besieging the city of Paris, which was he\d against them by ^^^ ®*" 
their fellow-countrymen. An entrance was forced and then 
followed bloody street fighting and a terrible destruction of 
property, as the Communists set fire to some of the great his- 



Nature of 
the Republic 



378 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

toric buildings of the city. No quarter was asked or given, 
and it is estimated that before the struggle ended 17,000 lives 
had been sacrificed and 7,500 others had been condemned to 
exile in New Caledonia. The contest lasted two months. 




The Communists' Assault on the Hotel de Ville 

The Communists set fire to the Tuileries Palace and made an assault on 
the Hotel de Ville, the city hall. Many women were among the mob. An 
analogy may be drawn between this movement and the Irish uprising in 
Dublin in 1916. 

This danger passed, the assembly took up its work of con- 
stitution-making. In spite of the strength of the friends of 
monarchy in the assembly, a constitution was finally drawn up 
guaranteeing a rep^iblican form of government, but a republic 
of a far different character from the one with which we are famil- 
iar in this country. The word "repubhc" scarcely appeared in 
any of these fundamental or basal regulations, but the govern- 



THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 



379 



ment of the land was intrusted to a president, a senate, and a 
chamber of deputies. The senate is composed of 300 members The Senate 
chosen for a term of nine years and selected by an indirect o^og^ut^s^^ 
method of voting. The president is elected for seven years 
by the Senate and Chamber of Deputies in joint session. He is 
a sort of figurehead, but is charged with the conduct of all 
foreign affairs and, in conjunction with the two law-making 




J'uiLERiES Palace 



One of the beautiful public buildings burned by the Communists. It 
stood close to the Louvre and was the scene of many brilliant court functions 
during the reign of Napoleon III. 

bodies, the Senate and Chamber of Deputies, participates in The President 
legislation. He names the ministry, which, however, is respon- 
sible to the two chambers, and its membership therefore is 
practically determined by them. A failure to follow their lead- 
ership in the acts which are passed means that they must 
immediately resign, however acceptable they may be to the 
head of the state. The right to vote was conferred upon all The Suffrage 
male inhabitants over 21. They select the deputies, who are 
elected for four years. 
These fundamental laws were so framed, however, as to make 



380 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Boulangism 



The Decline of it easy for a monarchy to be established — at least that was 
Monarchism ^-^^ intention of those who made them. These hopes were 
doomed to disappointment, although on several occasions France 
was dangerously near the verge of a restoration of the kingly 
power. The retention of the bureaucratic system and the 
placing of all power in the hands of a central authority seemed 
to make it easy to effect a change to a monarchy. The choice 
of Marshal MacMahon as President in 1873 was regarded as a 
step in this direction. The safety of the repubhc, however, was 
assured by the divisions among its opponents, as the monarchists 
could not agree among themselves as to what dynasty to restore. 
The last danger from this source was in the movement called 
Boulangism (1886-89). General Boulanger, an elegant gentle- 
man well versed in the art of pleasing and a clever politician, 
became the centre of plots to restore the monarchy, and his 
popularity was utilized to bring together all the elements op- 
posed to the government in one great effort to overthrow the 
republic. The effort failed. The general became frightened 
at his own temerity and fled the country, leaving his supporters 
disconcerted and helpless. 

Later the government was somewhat discredited in the eyes 
of Europe, first by the Panama Scandal and again in connec- 
tion with the Dreyfus case. In order to obtain additional 
funds for their enterprise and at the same time retain the con- 
fidence of the French public, the Panama Canal Company 
resorted to bribery on a large scale, subsidizing prominent 
newspapers and distributing large sums among the members 
of the House of Deputies. In 1892 the company was declared 
bankrupt and the work on the Isthmus came to a standstill. 
The Dreyfus case was much more serious. France had not 
failed to profit by the lesson of 1870-71, and universal mihtary 
service was made obligatory upon all her citizens by a law enacted 
the very next year. The Prussian system was introduced with 
slight modifications. The arbitrary, unjust treatment of Cap- 
tain Dreyfus, who was accused of betraying military secrets to 



The Panama 
Scandal 



The Dreyfus 
Case 



THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 381 

the Germans, not only revealed to patriotic Frenchmen the weak- 
nesses which had crept into the standing army and marred its 
effectiveness, but opened up again the old question of whether 
the republic was to endure. Captain Dreyfus was a Jew. He 
was twice tried and convicted. The first time he was sentenced 
to exile in French Guiana. After his second trial he was par- 
doned and later was vindicated of all the charges against him. 
His persecution was in part the result of an anti-Semitic agi- Anti- 
tation in which all the forces opposed to the republic again ^®°^***sm 
combined. Again the combination was in vain ; changes were 
effected by which the army was placed under the more direct 
control of the state and the republic still further strengthened. 

All these years an alliance had been maintained between the Church 
Catholic Church and the party opposed to the repubhc. The ^°^ ^***® 
feeling against the church was becoming more acute with the 
lapse of time. The story of the final break which separated 
church and state will be told later. 

149. The Spread of Constitutional Government and the 
Extension of the Suffrage. — This period witnessed notable 
progress toward the establishment elsewhere of well-ordered, 
democratic forms of government. The situation in Spain in Establishment 
1870 had been the occasion for the break between France and **^ Constitu- 

T-»'o-i -1 Tiir ' -, tional Govern- 

Prussia. Spam, then without a ruler, had for some time been ment in Spain 
torn by civil strife and was a prey to the ambitions of rival 
factions. For a little more than a year a republic existed, but its 
foundations were too insecure to make it a permanent arrange- 
ment. The people were not ready for such an experiment. 
Finally, in 1874, a representative of the Spanish Bourbons was 
acclaimed King by the army, "the most powerful body in the 
country," and a liberal constitution was adopted upon the lines 
laid down in England. As is the case in Italy, however, the Parties 
people have little genius for party government and are still ^ ^^^^ 
divided into groups where members are more interested in 
fighting for personal advantage than in furthering the interests 
of their country. 



The Suffrage 
in Austiia- 
Htmgary 



The Suffrage 
Question 
in Italy 



The Downfall 
of the 
Monarchy 
in Portugal 



Causes 



382 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

In Austria-Hungary modifications in the government have 
been effected in recent years, especially in Austria, by means 
of which the voting privileges have been extended and the repre- 
sentation widened. The Slavs, however, are still denied any 
considerable participation in the affairs of the Dual Empire. 
In Austria the right to vote is enjoyed by practically every male 
citizen twenty-four years of age or over who has resided at least 
one year in the district where he votes. In Hungary the 
Magyar element still retains control, although representing less 
than half the population. ''In an aggregate population of 
some 20,000,000, today there are not more than 1,100,000 
voters." The demands of the disfranchised element have been 
so strong of recent years that it is very probable that the near 
future will witness a decided change. 

In Italy the suffrage has been greatly widened. The law of 
191 2 provides for universal manhood suffrage, except for men 
under 30 who have neither performed their military service 
nor learned to read and write. Previous to the passage of this 
law many were without the ballot because of their inability 
to satisfy the educational test required in their case. The 
depths of ignorance into which the population was plunged is 
clearly demonstrated by the fact that in 1904 only 29% of the 
male population over 21 were enrolled as voters.^ 

One of the minor states of Europe has joined the ranks of 
the republics in this era — the Httle state of Portugal. Portugal 
had long been cursed by faction struggles between the ''ins'' 
and the "outs" to control the governmental machinery, which 
was modelled after that of England, and the rulers showed 
themselves helpless to prevent the graft and corruption which 
such a contest fostered. They were probably themselves 
partners to this plundering process. As time passed the burden 
of taxation became heavier than the people could bear. When 



1 The democratic wave has even been felt in the Near East in the 
Young Turk movement, described elsewhere; in the demand for a con- 
stitution in Persia; and in the creation of the Chinese Republic. 



THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 383 

King Carlos placed Franco over the country as virtual dictator 
(1907), the people felt that the constitution had been trampled 
under foot. They immediately showed resentment at this 
interference with their liberties, and manifested their dissatis- 
faction in acts of disorder. On Feb. i, 1908, the king and Murder of 
his oldest son were murdered as they were returning to the ^°^^ FamUy 
palace. The late king's younger son was proclaimed king as 
Manuel II. He was unable, however, to master the situation, 
and a civil war broke out in 1910 in which the navy co- 
operated with the repubUcan element and forced the king to 
flee. A republic was then proclaimed, a provisional president Establishment 
selected, and this form of government to all appearances is °* *^® Republic 
Hkely to be maintained. 

In the far north the people's yearnings to express their nation- The Triumph 
aHty were apparent in the separation of Norway from Sweden, °^ Nationality 
after almost a hundred years of joint rule (18 14-1905). The 
people of Norway chose a relative of the Danish king as their 
ruler and, in remembrance of the days when the Norsemen ruled 
the seas, gave him the title of King Haakon. The Norwegians Woman 
are unique in having recognized the principle of woman suffrage ^**^''*8® 
more generally than any other state. They have even made 
it possible (19 13) for them to vote for members of the national 
legislative body and to sit as members of this body. 

The past half century has witnessed a similar progress along The Extension 
democratic hnes in England. In 1867 Benjamin DisraeU, who ^ Engiand'^*^^ 
was then a member of the cabinet, recognizing the popularity 
of a further extension of the franchise and possibly hoping Benjamin 
thereby to win votes for his party, carried through parliament fn^^Re^form 
a measure by which the workingmen in the cities finally received Bm of i867 
recognition. Besides providing for further changes in the 
system of representation, it conferred the privilege of voting 
upon every person in a borough who owned or rented his house. 
Lodgers paying £10 a year rent were also included. In the 
counties all who owned or rented for life land that would yield 
£5 in rent to the owner and short-time tenants paying a yearly 



384 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Gladstone 
and the 
Third Reform 
Bill 



The Problem 
of Militant 
Suffragism 



The Land 
Problem 



rental of £12 were given the suffrage. This excluded the 
country laborer. He must await the action of Gladstone in 
1884, who, as prime minister, carried the Third Reform Bill, 
placing the right to vote practically upon the basis of manhood 

suffrage. At this time 
England was divided as 
nearly as might be into 
equal parliamentary dis- 
tricts. 

The women have been 
active in recent years in a 
campaign to include their 
sex among the voters. In 
1905 they began to resort 
to tactics which fixed upon 
them the name of militant 
suffragettes, destroying 
property and creating dis- 
turbances in order to at- 
tract public attention to 
their demands. The out- 
break of the European War 
in 1 91 4 terminated their 
activities for the time 
being. 

150. The Irish Question 
and the Reform of Parlia- 
ment. — One of the most 
perplexing problems which 
has confronted England in this period has been her relations 
with Ireland. The solution has taxed the energy and resources 
of some of her greatest statesmen. For some time previous to 
1870 Ireland had been suffering from the curse of absentee land- 
lords, who took as little interest in their Irish tenants and 
treated them with as small consideration as was the case with 




William Ewart Gladstone 

The grand old man of English politics in 
the 19th century entered politics as a con- 
servative, but became liberal prime min- 
ister in 1869 and instituted a policy of 
internal reform. For the fourth time 
premier, unsuccessful in securing the 
assent of the House of Lords to his Home 
Rule Bill, he resigned his office in 1894, 
four years before his death. For sixty 
years he was prominently before the eyes 
of the English people. 



THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 385 

the nobles of France and their peasants in the days before the 

French Revolution. Another evil of long standing which bore 

heavily upon the people was the financial support demanded for 

the Anglican Church, an institution in which they did not wor- The Anglican 

ship and in which they had not the slightest interest. Ever ^^""^ 

since the Catholic Emancipation Act a feeling of dissatisfaction 

was to be detected with the terms of the union with England, The Union 

and in many quarters it was felt that the Irish were entitled to a ''"^ England 

greater measure of home rule. 

Gladstone's name will always be associated with the Irish 
problem as the result of the long period of service which he gave 
to the island. Almost from the outset of his poHtical career 
his sympathies went out to the Irish, and in 1868 he set himself 
to ridding Ireland of the incubus of the Anglican Church, Gladstone 
carrying a resolution through the Commons in favor of discs- ^'JggstTbiish- 
tablishment. This resolution caused the overthrow of Disraeli, ment of the 
who was then prime minister, and the next year Gladstone as ^^l^ 
prime minister carried an act providing that the Anglican 
Church should no longer be recognized as the state church in 
Ireland, but should be treated as any other church estabHsh- 
ment, retaining, however, all its church buildings. Ample 
provision was also made for its clergy. 

Even before Gladstone's advocacy of the cause of the Irish, a 
great deal of political unrest had manifested itself in the island. 
This has continued throughout this entire period, from 1870 to 
the present. Several organizations were formed among the 
Irish to remedy the existing evils. In some cases, as with 
the Fenians, who were organized in the late sixties, they The Fenians 
went so far as to countenance and encourage conspiracies, 
having as their aim the overthrow of English rule by force. 
The most successful of these efforts to secure justice for 
Ireland was the Irish Land League, which was organized The Irish 
to remedy the abuses associated with land-holding. Their 
demands were embodied in the three F's — fair rent, fixity of 
tenure, and free sale of the tenant's rights. Gladstone's first 



Land League 



386 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The Irish 
Land Act 



The Question 
of Home Rule 

Parnell and 
the Irish 
Nationalist 
Party 



Opposition 
of Ulster 



effort to meet these demands by legislation only partially 
removed the injustices of which they complained, but by the 
passage of his act of 1881 a better system was introduced, 
guaranteeing to the tenant a security in his holding, which was 
unknown before, and compensating him for improvements of a 
permanent character in case of removal. An opportunity was 
afforded the peasant farmer of becoming the owner of his land, 
as the government stood ready to advance the purchase price 
(under certain conditions), allowing the peasant a certain length 
of time to repay the loan. 

The agitation over the land question gave way to a more 
persistent and a more bitter struggle, tending to separate Ireland 
from England and to place the fortunes of the island in the hands 
of the native Irish. The Irish Catholics, in particular, felt that 
England had never understood the Irish situation and that what- 
ever legislation was enacted in the EngHsh parliament showed a 
decided leaning toward the Protestant element in the north. 
They therefore organized a Home Rule Party to secure a radical 
rearrangement of the relations between the two islands. An Irish 
Nationalist party appeared, obstructing legislation in the English 
Parliament and seeking to attract attention to Irish conditions, 
allying itself with whichever party seemed inclined to admit the 
justice of its contentions. Charles Stuart Parnell was its greatest 
leader. Although he was of English descent and a Protestant, 
he threw himself heart and soul into the struggle to secure jus- 
tice for the country of his birth. One of the great difficulties 
that arose in any readjustment of the relations between the two 
countries was the enmity and racial differences between Ulster 
in the north and the Catholic and native element. The Ulster- 
men did not wish to be at the mercy of these advocates of home 
rule; they were in the main content to abide by existing arrange- 
ments. Gladstone was finally convinced of the merits of home 
rule and spent the closing years of his political activity in a vain 
effort to realize it. It is a question which time has not settled 
and it still remains one of the great issues. 



y 



THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 



387 



O H+, S- l-r 



g crq f^ f^ 




388 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The Home 
Rule Bill 



Prospects of 
Civil War 



Lloyd George 
and the 
Reform of 
Parliament 



The Budget 
of 1909 



A most bitter struggle was on between the Ulstermen and the 
rest of Ireland when the war broke out in 19 14. The ministry 
and parliament, convinced at last of the necessity of a change, 
had enacted a home rule bill providing for a separate parUament 
for Ireland to legislate upon local matters, but allowing a certain 
number of Irish representatives to sit in the imperial parliament, 
as it was to be known, to act upon matters of defence and the 
like which applied to the whole empire. The Ulster counties 
were allowed to vote as to whether they would enter into the 
. arrangement or remain as they were for six years. It was inti- 
mated by the supporters of the act that at the end of this time 
some provision would be made for a federal union acceptable 
to them. So aroused were the opponents of the measure that 
volunteers were enrolled in Belfast and other cities of the north, 
and a civil war seemed imminent. Until the spring of 1916, 
the European War seemed tohaveobhterated these differences for 
the time being, and the home rule problem seemed to be in abey- 
ance. Then came the misguided movement under Sir Roger 
Casement and the Sinn Fein Society. Relying upon German 
assistance, a revolt was started in Dublin which was sternly 
suppressed. Several of the leaders were executed, among them 
Sir Roger Casement. 

The English constitution has recently experienced a decided 
modification in the curtailment of the power of the House of 
Lords. The question of the right of this body to block measures 
passed by the lower house had been raised many times in 
history, but without result. The attempt of Lloyd George as 
Chancellor of the Exchequer to carry a somewhat unusual budget 
through both houses in 1909 forced the question to an issue. 
. The government had been running behind financially, and new 
means of taxation had to be devised to cover the increasing 
expenditures and deficit. Lloyd George conceived the idea 
of placing a heavier burden upon the wealthy classes, especially 
those in possession of great estates or valuable city properties. 
The lords were directly affected by these levies and time and 



THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 



389 



of House 
of Lords 



again interposed their veto. This right to kill a measure by a Veto Power 
veto was contested, and a bill was finally passed (191 1) providing 
(i) that the Lords could not veto a money bill and (2) that any 
measure which had passed the Commons in three successive 
sessions and had been vetoed 
by the upper house should be- 
come a law without their ap- 
proval, providing two years 
had elapsed since its introduc- 
tion. This was a definite tri- 
umph for the principle of 
democracy, as the House of 
Lords was one of the few 
twentieth century survivals of 
the power of the old aristo- 
cratic families of England. 

In England we find de- 
veloped most thoroughly the 
system of representative gov- 
ernment. With this principle 
was also developed that of 
popular liberty. These two 
ideals are fundamental to our 
own government, and there- 
fore it is of especial value for 
us to summarize first the rights 
enjoyed by Englishmen and, 
because won by Englishmen, 




David Lloyd George 

Premier David Lloyd George is the 
foremost man in British politics. In 
Asquith's cabinet, as Chancellor of 
the Exchequer, he was the real force 
behind the reform measures of the 
ministry and is an outspoken cham- 
pion of democratic ideas. In the war 
cabinet, he filled with distinction the 
highly important position of Minister 
of Munitions, and his services in or- 
ganizing the industrial forces of the 
country on a scale of high efficiency 
made him the man of the hour. 



Summary of 
the English 
Government 
of Today 



enjoyed by Americans; and 

second, the essentials of the government of England today. 
When one examines the amendments to the United States Con- 
stitution, there appear the rights won by EngHshmen during a 
struggle lasting many centuries while continental Europe groaned 
under the tyranny of feudal lords or ''Divine right" rulers. 
These basic rights may be summarized briefly as follows: (i) 



390 



ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



The Lords 



freedom of religion; (2) freedom of speech and of the press; 

(3) freedom of assembly and of petition for a redress of griev- 
ances; (4) security of person and property; (5) just trials by 
jury and reasonable penalties. 

Parliamentary government in England won a complete 
triumph by the Act of 191 1. In form a monarchy, the govern- 
ment in some respects responds more directly and quickly to 
the popular will than in the United States. The reformed 
House of Lords is composed of (i) peers of England by descent 
or by new creation; (2) lords spiritual, i.e. the two archbishops 
and certain bishops of the Anglican Church; (3) sixteen Scot- 
tish peers elected for the term of parliament to represent the 
whole body of Scottish noblemen, and twenty-eight Irish peers 
elected for life to represent the whole body of Irish nobles; and 

(4) four leading representatives of the most eminent authorities 
on law, chosen for life. A drastic reconstitution of the House 
of Lords was considered by the ministry in 191 1, and further 
changes may be expected after the unusual conditions produced 
by the European War of 19 14 have been eliminated. 

The Commons The British House of Commons is composed of 670 members: 
465 for England, 30 for Wales, 72 for Scotland, and 103 for 
Ireland. They are chosen in a general election and hold office 
for 5 years, unless parliament is previously dissolved. Whenever 
a vacancy occurs, a special or by-election is held to fill the office. 
After a general election has shown which party the people wish 
to hold office, the leader of that party in parliament becomes 
premier, or prime minister. He chooses from parliament 
those members of his party who will work in sympathy 
with him to fill the important cabinet offices. After a merely 
formal acceptance of this list of names by the ruler, the new 
cabinet begins its work, which is to formulate the policy of the 
state concerning all important matters and to present for 
parhament's consideration bills embodying this policy. If the 
cabinet, or *' government," as it is popularly called, fails to secure 
the passage of an important measure or is subjected to a vote 



The 

" Government " 

or Cabinet 



THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 



391 







392 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 







THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 393 

of censure, it may either resign, thus giving way to a new 
cabinet representing the opposition party, or ask the king 
to dissolve parhament, thereby appeaHng to the voters to elect 
a new House of Commons in which the ministry's party shall 
have a larger majority. 

151. The Separation of Church and State in Europe. — 
Europe has not only been undergoing a pohtical transformation 
since 1870, but has likewise been experiencing radical social and 
intellectual changes. References have already been made to 
the changed relations between church and state in Ireland. A Disestabiish- 
similar step was taken in Wales (19 14), where the bulk of the ™®°* ^" ^^'^^ 
population worshipped in other churches.^ 

Upon the continent the power of the church was still felt in 
politics, especially in France and Italy. Mention has been 
made of the support given by the church to the foes of the 
newly formed French republic. This attitude was bitterly 
resented by the civil authorities, especially after the Dreyfus 
scandal, and efforts began to be directed toward dissolving, 
the bonds which united the two. The leaders of the church 
showed an unwillingness to cooperate with the government, 
and the government felt compelled to take steps separating 
church and state. The change was accompanied by rioting Separation 
and the destruction of property by Catholic partisans. By ^ France 
the law of 1905 the Concordat of 1801 was set aside, but the 
people were allowed to form associations for the conduct of 
religious worship. These do not receive any aid or support 
from the state. The church property was to be at the dis- 
posal of these *' Associations of Worship." The opposition 
of Pope Pius X to these arrangements prompted the passing 
in 1907 of a law by which the use of the churches was to be 
gratuitious and regulated by contracts between the governing 
authorities and the priests. Ecclesiastical buildings other 
than churches have been taken over by the government and 

put to other uses. 

« 

^ The act was suspended until after the European War of 19 14. 



394 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



In Italy the occupation of Rome in 187 1 placed the Italian 
government in an embarrassing position with reference to the 
pope, who thereafter regarded himself as a prisoner in the 
Vatican. The Catholic Church continued to be the religion of 
the state, and similar conditions prevailed in Italy as in France. 

Those Catholics whose loyalty 
to the papacy outweighed their 
patriotism formed a clerical 
cHque and obstructed many of 
the measures undertaken by the 
government. When Leo XIII 
became pope, he showed a 
greater breath of view and a 
better appreciation of the situ- 
ation than his predecessor, and 
his attitude did much to smooth 
over the difficulties which arose 
between the papal court and 
the government. His successor, 
Pope Pius X, although respon- 
sible in part for the crisis in France, succeeded in maintaining 
in Italy the conditions which prevailed under his predecessor. 
The relations between church and state are still deter- 
mined by the Law of Papal Guarantees passed in 187 1. The 
object sought by this law was the ideal of Cavour, a " free 
church in a free state." By its provisions the pope's person 
is declared sacred and inviolable; he has his own court and 
diplomatic representatives, his own postal and telegraph ser- 
vice; and certain places have been set apart as entirely 
under his sovereignty. 

Bismarck was involved in a bitter struggle with the Catholic 
Church in Germany in the early part of the period. In his 
efforts to strengthen the power of the state in Prussia, especially 
in its control of education, he encountered opposition from the 
Catholics and succeeded in securing the passage of some very 




Pope Leo XIII 



THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 395 

oppressive measures known as the May Laws. ''We will not Bismarck and 
go to Canossa," was his famous utterance, in which he likened * ^ *^ 
the situation to the mediaeval contest between Henry IV and 
Pope Gregory. The struggle was known as the Kulturkampf, 
or war with the church. Recognizing socialism and not the 
church as his real opponent, Bismarck effected a compromise 
with the latter upon the accession of Leo XIII, whom he 
believed friendly to him. 

The spread of secular education gave rise to conflicts between 
the church and people in Spain, where the Catholic Church 
retains perhaps as great power as anywhere in Europe, but 
thus far no radical change has taken place. The establishment 
of a republic in Portugal was the signal for a violent expul- 
sion of the religious orders from the country and the separa- 
tion of church and state, as these changes were an essential 
part of the republican program. Everywhere, with the pos- 
sible exception of the Balkan region, the hold of the church 
upon the people as an institution has been weakened. This 
does not necessarily imply any abandonment of religion, but 
a denial to the church organism of that authority which 
had its origin in the dark ages. Everywhere the power of the 
people has been in evidence, seeking to throw off anything 
savoring of tyranny, be it in the domain of politics or of 
religion. 

152. The Spread of Socialism and the Increase of Social 
Legislation. — The spread of socialism and of sociaHstic teach- 
ings has undoubtedly encouraged this tendency, and every coun- 
try has witnessed an increase both in the number of the sociaHsts 
and in their political activity. Today the Social Democrats are 
credited with no out of the 397 members in the Reichstag. In 
France they are very strongly represented in the Chamber of ^ France 
Deputies and have been recognized in the make-up of minis- 
tries; for example, the SociaHst Briand is now serving for the 
third time as premier, and his predecessor, Viviani, is also a 
member of a sociaHst party. In Italy they are likewise an 



396 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



In Germany 



Social 
Legislation 
in England 



Workingmen's 
Compensation 



Old Age 
Pensions 



aggressive element, but have perhaps taken a less conspicuous 
part in the management of affairs. 

So powerful did the socialists become in Germany in the first 
decade of the Empire that Bismarck was alarmed over the 
situation and sought by repressive legislation on the one hand 
and by relief measures on the other to undermine their power 
and alleviate social unrest. The tremendous industrial develop- 
ment which marked these years brought with it an increase in 
the industrial population and gave rise to problems similar to 
those which accompanied the Industrial Revolution elsewhere. 

Although the socialists have never been powerful as a political 
party in England, schemes of social reform have occupied the 
attention of parliament as in no other part of Europe, except 
perhaps in Germany. This has been in response to a demand 
— not always voiced by the workers themselves but no less 
clearly recognized — that something be done to remove the 
curse of poverty and the misery so common in many of the 
great industrial centres. Investigations carried on by experts 
in London and in York revealed the most glaring conditions 
and showed the necessity of remedial legislation. The early 
factory legislation had done much to improve the lot of the 
workers, but had neither raised wages nor remedied the de- 
moralizing effect of irregular employment. Beginning in 1906, 
parliament, therefore, passed employer's compensation laws, 
compulsory insurance acts, and old age pensions, striving to 
safeguard at one and the same time both state and worker. 

In 1906 a Workingmen's Compensation Act made every 
employer liable for compensation in case of injury, except 
where the employee had been guilty of "serious and wilful 
misconduct." The law, as finally enacted, protects all manual 
laborers and domestic servants receiving less than £250 a 
year. The Old Age Pension Act of 1909 awards a pension 
to every person, male or female, over seventy years of age 
who has been a British subject for twenty years and a resi- 
dent of Great Britain for twelve, provided his or her income 



THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 397 

is less than £31.105. The most recent act, that of 191 1, 
provides a system of insurance, designed (i) to safeguard 
workers in the case of loss of health; (2) to prevent and 
cure sickness, and (3) to insure against unemployment. All 
workers having less than a specified income from property 
must insure and pay a certain quota themselves. The bal- 
ance is made up by contributions from the state and the em- 
ployer. In certain cases, where the wages are very low, the 
worker's share falls upon the employer. In return for these 
payments the worker is entitled to sick benefits, free medical 
attendance, and free treatment at hospitals to be supplied by 
the state. The provision against unemployment only applies 
to two trades, building and engineering, and provides for pay- 
ments in case of unemployment not due to misconduct, strikes, 
or lockouts. The fund is maintained by contributions from 
the employees, the employers, and the state. These measures 
were carried through parliament largely through the instrumen- 
taUty of Lloyd George, Chancellor of the Exchequer, one of the Lioyd George 
most commanding figures of recent times. 

With this legislation went an effort, for which Lloyd George 
was also responsible, to shift the burden of taxation to shoulders 
better able to bear the load, as was illustrated by his budget of 
1909, which occasioned the bitter struggle between the House 
of Commons and the House of Lords. As the worker is also a 
voter and his voting strength is on the increase, the party in 
power must aim to preserve his support if it would hold its 
power. 

In France the form of socialism known as Syndicalism has Syndicalism 
secured a strong foothold and from there has spread to other 
parts of the world. The Syndicalists would organize all 
workingmen into one grand consolidated union in order to 
dominate the whole field of industry by the strength of their 
numbers and solidarity. As yet they have had little influence 
in shaping legislation. The power of the industrial classes was 
illustrated in the great railway strike of 19 10, which threatened 



398 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



Darwin 



Pasteur 



The X-rays 



The 

Emancipation 
of Woman 



to paralyze industry throughout the country. Briand made 
his name famous by breaking the strike. He summoned all 
the railroad employees back to their work by issuing a miH- 
tary call to the colors — a summons which no patriotic French- 
man could well refuse to heed. 

153. Intellectual and Scientific Progress in Europe. — The 
various measures to which references have been made indicate 
an intellectual progress on the part of the people of Europe 
during this period which itself calls for special mention. This 
was the age of Darwin, the author of a theory of the origin of 
species which shook the scientific world to its very foundations. 
His results, published in 1859, have furnished the basis for much 
of the study of biology since that time. The greatest work of 
Pasteur was done during this period, and his researches have 
had much to do with the elimination of disease and suffering. 
The progress in sanitation has enabled the United States Gov- 
ernment to carry to a successful conclusion a great work such 
as the Panama Canal, as the scourges of malaria and of yellow 
fever were responsible in no small measure for the failure of the 
French company to complete the task. Roentgen and his 
X-rays have given us a new science, that of radiography, and 
illustrate the scientific marvels of the present age. These and 
other discoveries in the fields of physics, chemistry, and mathe- 
matics helped to make possible the wonderful results in the 
industrial world which were described in a preceding chapter. 

With this intellectual progress woman has been still further 
emancipated from her position of inferiority and has demon- 
strated as never before her ability to compete with man in the 
various spheres of activity open to both. She has been admitted 
to higher institutions of learning and has entered many of the 
professions. In some cases, as has been noted, she has been 
intrusted with the ballot and with political office. The names 
of women are to be found in ever-increasing numbers among the 
great leaders of thought and among the benefactors of mankind. 

Taking Europe as a whole, one of the most important ten- 



THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 399 

dencies of recent times has been a concerted movement in favor The Peace 
of peace — a peace secured not at the expense of costly arma- ^°^®™®*^* 
ments and heavy war budgets, crushing the people under their 
weight, but a peace resting upon the more permanent foundation 
of reason and good will. The necessity for a readjustment of 
their relations to each other was brought home to each nation 
with greater force as time passed and their rivalry became more 
acute in the economic and poUtical world. Many of the states 
felt that their internal development was seriously handicapped 
and retarded by the diversion of so much of their labor and 
wealth into channels which yielded little real return. The world 
was surprised in 1898 by the announcement that the autocratic 
ruler of Russia, the Tsar Nicholas II, had summoned all the 
powers represented at his court to a congress to consider the 
advisability of lightening the military burdens under which their 
peoples staggered. In 1899, in response to the call, the first 
Hague Conference assembled to discuss his proposals. The 
opposition of Germany to any change in her military system 
shattered the hope of a general disarmament, but the delegates 
agreed to maintain a permanent court of arbitration at the 
Hague to which nations might submit their differences if they 
so desired. The conference gave a great impetus to the use of 
arbitration and mediation, and when the second conference 
met in 1907 the advocates of peace won still further advantages 
which, however sHght, seemed to bring nearer the desired goal. 
This second conference was much more representative in char- 
acter than the first, so much so in fact that it savored more 
of an international congress than a European assembly. Many 
obstacles block the path to the attainment of world peace. 
''The vested interests which thrive on armaments, the Yellow 
Press which lives by sensation, the nervous patriot who dreams 
of invasion, the soldier who glorifies the bracing influence of 
war, are formidable but not insuperable obstacles to the reign 
of law." The existence of interparliamentary unions, and the 
peace propaganda of individuals like Andrew Carnegie, Baron 



400 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

Etournelles de Constant, and Baroness von Suttner are little by 
little bearing fruit. Although unable to prevent the European 
War of 1 9 14, their labors have made the people realize as never 
before the horrors and disasters consequent upon war. 

^GGESTIVE TOPICS AND QUESTIONS FOR 
FURTHER STUDY 

I. What restrictions were placed on the Roman Catholic Church by 
Bismarck? 2 . Show in tabular form the government of the German Empire, 
making as column headings: elements; how chosen; term; powers; limi- 
tations. 3. Show that the Hohenzollerns beheve in the Divine Right of 
Kings. 4. To what extent is the question of states' rights also a German 
problem? 5. Define ''kulturkampf." 6. To what did Bismarck refer 
when he said, "We will not go to Canossa." 7. Explain the origin of the 
socialist movement in Germany and give a biographical sketch of Karl Marx. 
8. Explain how Germany provides for the working class. 9. Discuss Bis- 
marck's views concerning protection. 10. What are the main features of 
Germany's protectionist system? 11, Review the growth of the Russian 
empire touching on these topics: the dukes of Moscow; the Golden Horde; 
Ivan the Terrible; Peter the Great; Catherine the Great; Alexander I. 
12. Explain the origin and growth of nihilism. 13. Comment upon the 
phrase "serf of the state." 14. Give an account of the industrial revo- 
lution in Russia and discuss its political results. 15. Compare Witte with 
Colbert. 16. Discuss these topics: censorship of the press; bureaucracy; 
Russification of Finland; policy of Plehve; "Bloody Sunday"; terrorists; 
zemstva; duma; general strike; "Black Hundred"; Council of the Empire. 
17. Under what circumstances was the Third Repubhc of France estab- 
lished? 18. Compare the invasions of France of 1870 and 1914. 19. Give 
an account of the commune and distinguish between a communist and a 
sociahst. 20. Show in tabular form similar to that in question 2 the pres- 
ent government of France. 2 1 . Give an account of the origin and outcome 
of the Dreyfus case. 22. Summarize the history of Spain from the time of 
Napoleon to the present day, touching on these topics: conditions in Spain 
during Napoleon's rule; the constitution of 181 2; the restoration of the 
Bourbons; the question of the Spanish candidature; the CarUst revolt; 
Spain since 1870. 23. Describe the Italian constitution. 24. Discuss the 
extension of the suffrage in Italy. 25. Discuss the ideals of the political 
parties of modern Italy. 26. Give an account of the ministry of Crispi. 
27. What are the chief problems of modern Italy? 28. What is meant by 
the " Victorian Era"? 29. Give biographical sketches of DisraeU and Glad- 
stone. 30. Show that parliament really rules England. 31. Contrast the 
responsiveness of the British and American governments to popular will. 
32. Contrast the abolition of religious grievances in France, Germany, and 
England. $3- What is the Irish question? 34. Summarize the main points 
in the relations between England and Ireland since the outbreak of the 



THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 401 

European War of 1914. 35. Give the provisions of recent British legisla- 
tion concerning taxation, old age pensions. 

Collateral Reading 

I. Organization of the German Empire. 

Priest, Germany since 1740, pp. 107-23. Tower, Germany of 
Today, pp. 25-68. Seignobos, Contemporary Civilization, 
pp. 296-99. Ogg, The Governments of Europe, pp. 198-244. 
Hayes, Modern Europe, Vol. II, pp. 397-403. 
II. The Chancellorship of Bismarck. 

Hazen, Europe since 1815, pp. 305-23. Priest, pp. 124-45. 
Orth, SociaHsm and Democracy in Europe, pp. 146-70. Jane, 
Metternich to Bismarck, pp. 253-74. Hayes, Vol. II. pp. 404- 

15- 

III. Socialism in Germany. 

Roberts, Monarchical Socialism in Germany, Chapters I, II, V, VI, 
VIII, X. Howard, The Cause and Extent of the Recent 
Industrial Progress of Germany, Chapters III, V. Macdonald, 
The Socialist Movement, pp. 205-17. Orth (as in II), also 
pp". 171-206. Hayes, Vol. II, pp. 253-61. 

IV. Russia to the War with Japan. 

Hazen, pp. 645-80. Van Gergen, Story of Russia, Chapters I, 
VII, VIII, X, XIV, XVII-XIX, XXI, XXIV-XXVIII. Rob- 
inson and Beard, Development of Modern Europe, Vol. II, 
pp. 261-89. Hayes, Vol. II, pp. 452-78. 
V. Russia from the War with Japan to the Present Day. 

Hazen, pp. 706-18. Van Bergen, Chapter XXIX. Robinson and 
Beard, Vol. II, pp. 289-302. Hayes, Vol. II, pp. 478-87. 
VI. The Papacy under Pius IX. 

Barry, The Papacy in Modern Times, pp. 227-52. Hayes, 
Vol. II, pp. 226-30. 
VII. The Third Republic of France. 

Poincare, How France is Governed (entire). Ogg, pp. 301-34. 
Hazen, pp. 329-75. Gooch, History of Our Time, pp. 34-56. 
Orth, pp. 75-117. Macdonald, pp. 217-21. Robinson and 
Beard, Vol. II, pp. 151-79. Hayes, Vol. II, pp. 331-67. 
VIII. England between the Reform Waves. 

Hazen, pp. 439-96. McCarthy, A Short History of Our Times, 

PP- 397-413, 432-40- Larson, History of England, pp. 535-56. 

Ogg, PP- 80-5, 147-54, 176-9. Cross, A History of England 

and Greater Britain, pp. 928-82. Hayes, Vol. II. pp. 278-90. 

IX. The Cabinet System and Parliament. 

Bagehot, The Enghsh Constitution, Chapter II. Ogg, pp. 48-76, 
II 7-147. Robinson and Beard, Vol. II, pp. 193-8. Ilbert, 
Parliament, pp. 1-219. Cross, pp. 529, 614-7, 642, 667, 738, 
917, 1078-80. Hayes, Vol. II, 290-7. 



402 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

X. The Irish Question. 

Johnston and Spencer, Ireland's Story, Chapters XVII-XXX. 
Robinson and Beard, Vol. II, pp. 220-32. Hazen, pp. 497- 
517. Larson, pp. 580-92; 631-2. McCarthy, Chapters XXIII, 
XXIV, XXVIII, XXIX, XXX, XXXIX. Cross, pp. 880-2, 
916-20, 932-3, 943-4, 950-2, 991-5, 1086-9. Hayes, Vol. II, 
pp. 319-26. 
XL Recent English History. 

Tuell and Hatch, Readings in English History, pp. 446-74. Ogg, 
pp. 97-116, 158-66,183-91. Gooch, pp. 1-33. Beard, English 
Historians (Clarke), pp. 608-22. Orth, pp. 207-49. Mac- 
donald, pp. 229-35. Larson, pp. 617-30, 636-9. Synge, Social 
life in England, pp. 369-93. Cross, pp. 1071-86. Hayes, 
Vol. II, pp. 307-19. 

Source Studies 

1. Bismarck and modern Germany. William 11. Views on Cabinet gov- 

ernment. Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European His- 
tory, Vol. II, pp. 176-8. Kulturkampf. Ibid., pp. 178-85. State 
socialism. Ibid., pp. 185-92. WilUam II's speech on German world 
policy (1897). Ibid., pp. 193-6. Conservative election manifesto on 
imperialism and sociaHsm. Ibid., pp. 196-8. William II's first ad- 
dress to the Reichstag. Ibid., pp. 198-200. The causes of friction 
between William II and Bismarck. Ibid., pp. 200-2. William II's 
letter to Bismarck on his resignation. Ibid., pp. 202-3. Socialism in 
the election of 1907. Ibid., pp. 204-7. 

2. The Russian Empire in the Nineteenth Century. Alexander I and his 

plans for reform. Ibid., pp. 338-43. Nicholas I's aboHtion of the 
PoHsh constitution. Ibid., pp. 343-5. Domestic hfe in the family of a 
Russian noble. Ibid., pp. 345-8. Emancipation of the serfs. Ibid., 
pp. 348-53. Kropotkin, Terror in Russia. Prisons, Chapters I and 
II. Executions, Chapter III. The exiles. Chapter IV. Provoking 
conduct of the poHce, Chapter VI. The union of Russian men. Chap- 
ter VII. Repression, Chapter VIII. Nihihsm. Robinson and Beard, 
Vol. II, pp. 353-4. Siberia. Ibid., pp. 354-62. Letter of the revo- 
lutionary committee to Alexander III. Ibid., pp. 364-67. The in- 
dustrial revolution in Russia. Ibid., pp. 367-71. The struggle for 
liberty under Nicholas II. Ibid., pp. 371-81. 

3. Austria-Hungary since 1866. /6z'J., pp. 165-75. 

4. France under the Third RepubHc. The estabUshment of the third repub- 

lic. /67'(/., pp. 208-15. The Dreyfus affair. /6J(/., pp. 219-23. Sepa- 
ration of church and state. Ibid., pp. 223-33. Political parties in 
France. Ibid., pp. 233-7. 

5. Political reforms in England. Extension of the suffrage. Tuell and 

Hatch, Readings in English History, pp. 437-42. Cheyney, Readings 
in English History, pp. 735-9. Robinson and Beard, Vol. II, pp. 239- 
58. Parliamentary reform. Cheyney, p. 747. Tuell and Hatch, 



THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 403 

pp. 459-66. Hayes, British Social Politics, pp. 421-505. White and 
Notestein, Source Problems in English History, pp. 331-66. Local 
government reform. Robinson and Beard, Vol. II, pp. 267-9. Cabinet 
government. Ibid., pp. 258-266. Tuell and Hatch, pp. 467-74. 

6. Social reforms in England. Freedom of discussion and religious toler- 

ance. Robinson and Beard, Vol. II, pp. 270-8. Cheyney, pp. 674-9, 
739-42. Humanitarian legislation. Cheyney, pp. 669-74. Rob- 
inson and Beard, Vol. II, pp. 279-86. Workmen's compensation. 
Hayes, pp. 20-76. Trade unionism. Hayes, pp. 77-106. Child 
welfare. Hayes, pp. 107-129. Kendall, Source-book of EngUsh His- 
tory, pp. 401-6. Old age pensions. Hayes, pp. 130-184. The unem- 
ployed. Hayes, pp. 185-216. Sweated labor. Hayes, pp. 217-62. 
The housing and land problem. Hayes, pp. 263-346. The Lloyd 
George budget. Hayes, pp. 263-420. Tuell and Hatch, pp. 446-58. 

7. The war against poverty, socialism. Extracts from More's Utopia. 

Robinson and Beard, Vol. II, pp. 478-81. Owen's reasons for expect- 
ing the speedy arrival of the millenium. Ibid., pp. 481-3. Fourier's 
scheme for communal societies. Ibid., pp. 483-5. The principles of 
trade unionism. Ibid., pp. 485-7. The extent of poverty in the 
EngHsh city of York. Ibid., pp. 487-9. Extracts from the Com- 
munist Manifesto. Ibid., pp. 489-493. Bullock, Readings in Eco- 
nomics, pp. 668-81. The socialist program. Robinson and Beard, 
Vol. II, pp. 493-5. A Fabian program of reform. Ibid., pp. 495-7. 
Arguments against socialism. Ibid., pp. 497-500. Bullock. Ibid., 
pp. 681-705. Leo XIII on socialism and labor reforms. Robinson 
and Beard, Vol. II, pp. 500-5. 

8. The Irish question. How tithes for protestant clergy were collected in 

Ireland. Robinson and Beard, Vol. II, pp. 293-95. John Bright's 
plea for the disestablishment of the Anglican church in Ireland. 
Ibid., pp. 295-7. The demand for land reform in Ireland. Ibid., 
pp. 297-300. Gladstone on Home Rule. Ibid., pp. 301-2. English 
argument against Home Rule. Ibid., pp. 302-5. Tuell and Hatch, 
pp. 442-6. Irish Home Rule Bill in the House of Commons. 
Cheyney, pp. 748-51- 

Suggestions for Map Work 
I. On an outHne map of Europe indicate the geographical location of 
industries. 2. On an outline map of Europe show the territorial arrange- 
ment of Europe at the present time. 3. Show the distribution of the princi- 
pal races. 4. Of population. 5. On an outline map of the British Isles 
indicate all places mentioned in this chapter. 

Map References 

Current periodicals. Year-books. 

Robertson-Bartholomew. Historical Atlas of Modern Europe. Oxford 
Press. Europe. Distribution of Population, No. 2. Ethnographical, 
No. 3. Europe Industrial and Economic, No. 4. 



404 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

Bibliography 

Andrews. Development of Modern Europe. Scribner. 

Bagehot. The English Constitution. Appleton. 

Barry. The Papacy in Modern Times. Holt. 

Beard. Introductio?i to the English Historians. Macmillan. 

Bullock. Selected Readings in Economics. Ginn. 

Cheyney. Industrial and Social History of England. Macmillan. 

Cheyney. Readings in English History. Ginn. 

Cross. A History of England and Greater Britain. Macmillan. 

Duruy. History of Modern Times. Holt. 

Ellwood. Sociology and Modern Social Problems. American Book Company. 

Fyffe. History of Modern Europe. Holt. 

Gardiner. Stiidenfs History of England. Longmans. 

Gooch. History of Our Time. Holt. 

Grant. History of Europe. Longmans. 

Hayes. British Social Politics. Ginn. 

Hayes. The Political and Social History of Modern Europe, Vol. II, 

Macmillan. 
Hazen. Europe since 1813. Holt. 

Henderson. A Short History of Germany. Two volumes in one. Macmillan. 
Howard. The Cause and Extent of the Recent hidustrial Progress of Germany. 

Houghton Mifflin. 
Howard. The German Empire. Macmillan. 
Hunter. Socialists at Work. Macmillan. 
Ilbert. Parliament. Holt. 

Jane. Metternich to Bismarck, 1815-1878. Oxford University Press. 
Johnston and Spencer. Ireland's Story. Houghton MifHin. 
Kendall. Source Book of English History. Macmillan. 
Elropotkin. Terror in Russia. Methuen and Company. 
Larson. History of England. Holt. 

Lichtenberger. Germany and its Evolution in Modern Times. Holt. 
McCarthy. A Short History of Our Times. Harper. 
Macdonald. The Socialist Movement. Holt. 

Miiller. Political History of Recent Times. American Book Company. 
Ogg. Governments of Europe. Macmillan. 
Orth. Socialism and Democracy in Europe. Holt. 
Pbincare. How France is Governed. McBride. 
Priest. Germany since 1740. Ginn. 
Roberts. Monarchical Socialism in Germany. Scribner. 
Robinson and Beard. Development of Modern Europe. Volume II. Ginn. 
Robinson and Beard. Readings in Modern European History. Volume 11. 

Ginn. 
Rose, The Development of the European Nations, i87o-igi4. Two Volumes 

in one. Putnam. 
Seignobos. Contemporary Civilization. Scribner. 
Seignobos. Political History of Contemporary Europe. Holt. 



THE ADVANCE OF DEMOCRACY 405 

Simkhovitch. Marxism vs. Socialism. Holt. 
Synge. Social Life in England. Barnes. 

^ SjE^XIfUme' V, section II. Volume VI. Sections I 

and II. Putnam. ,. , „. o- 

TueU and Hatch. Selected Readings in English History. C^mn. 
VanBereen Story of Russia. American Book Company. 
White and Notestein. Source Problems in English History. Harper. 



APPENDIX I 

IMPORTANT EVENTS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

1682-1725 Peter the Great 

1688 The Glorious Revolution in England 

1689 Bill of Rights 
1697 Peace of Ryswick 

1701 Act of Settlement in England 
1701-1714 War of the Spanish Succession 
1703 Methuen Treaty between England and Portugal 
1707 Parliamentary Union of England and Scotland 
1709 Pultava 
1713 Peace of Utrecht 

1740-1786 Frederick the Great (born in 171 2) 
1740-1748 War of the Austrian Succession 
1748 Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle 
1751-1761 Struggle for India 
1754 Albany Congress. Franklin's Plan 
1754-1763 French and Indian War 
1756-1763 Seven Years' War 
1765 Stamp Act 

1770-1782 Lord North's Ministry 
1772 First Partition of Poland 
1775-1783 War for American Independence 
1783 Peace of Versailles 

1783-1801 Ministry of William Pitt the Younger 
1787 Assembly of Notables 
1789 Meeting of the Estates General 

1789 Fall of the Bastille. Abolition of Privilege. Declaration of the 
Rights of Man. Removal of the King and Queen to Paris. 
1791-1792 Legislative Assembly 
1792 Outbreak of War between France and Europe 
1792-1795 National Convention 

1792 September Massacres. Abolition of the Monarchy in France 

1793 Execution of Louis XVI 

1793 Committee of Public Safety 
1793-1794 Reign of Terror 

1794 Fall of Robespierre (Thermidor) 



408 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

1795-1799 The Directory 

1795 Final Partition of Poland 

1796 Bonaparte's Campaign in Italy 

1797 Peace of Campo Formio 

1798 Battle of the Nile 

1799 Bonaparte's Coup-d'Etat 
1799-1804 The Consulate 

1800 Marengo. Hohenlinden 

1801 Parliamentary Union of Ireland with Great Britain 

1802 Peace of Amiens 
1804-1814 Napoleon I, Emperor 

1805 Trafalgar. AusterUtz 

1806 End of the Holy Roman Empire. Jena 

1806 Berlin Decree 

1807 Abolition of the Slave Trade by England 
1807 Friedland. Peace of Tilsit 

1807 Orders in Council blockading France 
1807 Milan Decree 
1808-1814 Peninsular War 
1809 Wagram 

1812 Invasion of Russia 
1813-1814 War of Liberation 

1813 Dresden. Leipzig, " Battle of the Nations " 

1814 First Abdication of Napoleon 
1814-1815 Congress of Vienna 

1814 Invention of the Locomotive 

1815 Waterloo. Foundation of the Holy Alliance 
1819 Carlsbad Decrees 

1821-1832 War of Greek Independence 

1830 July Revolution at Paris 

1830 Opening of the Manchester and Liverpool Railway 

1830-1848 Reign of Louis Philippe 

1830 Independence of Belgium 

1832 First Reform Act in England 

1833 Formation of the Zollverein 
1837-1901 Reign of Queen Victoria 

1838 Beginning of the Chartist Movement. Anti-corn Law League 

1840 Penny Postage in England 

1842 Treaty of Nanking between England and China 

1846 Repeal of the Corn Laws 

1848 February Revolution in Paris. Revolutions in Italy, Austria 

and Germany 
1848-1849 Parliament of Frankfort 

1850 Conference at Olmiitz 

1851 Coup-d'fitat of Louis Napoleon 
1852-1870 Second French Empire 
1854-1856 Crimean War 



APPENDIX I 409 

1857-1858 Sepoy Mutiny 

1858-1860 Treaties of Tien-tsin and Peking 

1859 War of France and Sardinia against Austria. Solferino 

1860 Expedition of Garibaldi 

1861-1888 Reign of William I of Prussia (German Emperor after 187 1) 
1864 War of Austria and Prussia against Denmark 
1866 Austro-Prussian War. Konigratz 

1866 Atlantic Cable Successful 

1867 Second Reform Act in England 
1867 Dominion of Canada 

1869 Disestablishment of the Irish Church 

1869 Opening of the Suez Canal 
1870-1871 Franco-German War 

1870 Sedan. Establishment of the Third Republic in France 

1870 Irish Land Act 

1871 Establishment of the German Empire. Peace of Frankfort 
1871 Abolition of Feudalism in Japan 

1875 Adoption of a Republican Constitution in France 
1877-1878 Russo-Turkish War 

1878 Peace of San Stefano. Congress of Berlin 

1879 Dual alliance between Austria-Hungary and Germany (not pub 

lie until 1888) 

1881 Gladstone's Irish Land Act 

1882 Triple Alliance between Austria, Germany and Italy 

1884 BerKn Conference 

1885 Third Reform Act in England 

1888 Beginning of the reign of William II of Germany 

1890 Dismissal of Bismarck 

1892 Witte Minister of Finance in Russia 

1892-1894 Last Ministry of Gladstone 

1894 The Dreyfus case 

1894-1895 War between Japan and China 

1897 Lease of Kiao-chao by Germany 

1898 Spanish-American War 

1898 Lease of Port Arthur by Russia 

1898 Lease of Wei-hai-wei by England 

1899 First Hague Peace Conference 
1899-1902 Boer War 

1900 The Boxer Revolt 

1900 Buelow Chancellor of Germany 

1900 Commonwealth of Australia 

1901 Death of Queen Victoria. Accession of Edward VII 

1902 Anglo- Japanese Alliance 

1902 Education Act in England 

1903 Irish Land Act 
1904-1905 Russo-Japanese War 
1905 Fall of Port Arthur. Mukden. 



410 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROEPAN HISTORY 

1906 Separation Law of Church and State in France 

1906 The First Duma 

1906 Workingmen's Compensation Act in England 

1908 Young Turk Movement in Ottoman Empire. Annexation of 

Bosnia and Herzegovina. Independence of Bulgaria 

1908 Asquith prime minister 

1908 Annexation of Congo Free State by Belgium 

1909 Old Age Pension Act in England 

1909 Revolution in Constantinople. Accession of Mohammed V 

1909 Lloyd George's Budget 

1910 The Union of South Africa 

1910 Estabhshment of the Republic of Portugal 

1911 Parliament Act in England 
1911 Chinese Republic Proclaimed 
1911-1912 The Turco-Italian War 
1912-1913 The Balkan Wars 

1914 DisestabHshment of the Anglican Church in Wales 

1914 Asquith's Home Rule Bill. Discontent in Ulster 

1914 Outbreak of The European War 

1914 England announces the annexation of Cyprus and Egypt 
1916 Entrance of Italy into The European War 

1915 Bulgaria joins the Central Powers 

1916 Entrance of Roumania into The European War 



APPENDIX II 

GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY 

ZBooks marked (*) are especially useful for high school classes.l 

American Year Book (Published Annually) Appleton. $3 . 00 

Andrews Historical Development of Modern 

Europe Putnam. Two volumes 

in one. $2.75 

Asakawa The Russo-Japanese Conflict Houghton Mifflin. $2.00 

Bagehot The English Constitution Appleton. Net, $2.00 

Barry The Papacy in Modern Times Holt. $.50 

* Beard Introduction to the English His- 

torians Macmillan. $1.60 

* Becker Beginnings of the American People. Houghton Mifflin. $1.25 

* Belloc The French Revolution Holt. $.50 

Beveridge What is Back of the War? Bobbs-Merrill. Net, 

$2.00 
Bland, Brown, and 

Tawney English Economic History: Select 

Documents Macmillan. $2.00 

Bradley Canada Holt. $.50 

Brinkley-Kikuchi .... A History of the Japanese People . . . The Encyclopedia Bri- 

tannica Co. $ 3.00 

Bryce The Ancient Roman Empire and the 

British Empire in India Oxford University Press. 

$1.90 
Bullard The Diplomacy of the Great War Macmillan. $1.25 

* Bullock Selected Readings in Economics Ginn. $2.25 

Burgess The European War of 19 14 McClurg. Net, $1.00 

Buxton Europe and the Turks Methuen Co. London. 

Net, IS. 
Cambridge Modern History 

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* Cantlie and Jones . . . Sun Yat Sen Revell. $1.25 

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Channing The Jeffersonian System Harper. Net, $2.00 

Cheyney , European Background of American 

History Harper. Net, $2.00 

* %^ Introduction to the Industrial and 

Social History of England Macmillan. $1.40 



412 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

* Cheyney Readings in English History Ginn. $i.8o i 

* Short History of England. . Ginn. $1.40 

Chinese Year Book, 1914 Edition Button. $3.50 i 

Clarke Modern Spain Cambridge University 

Press. $2.00 

* Colby Selections from the Sources of Eng- 

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Collected Documents Relating to the Outbreak of the 

European War. Fisher Unwin. London. 

$.25 

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Britain. Macmillan. $2.50 

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ture Oxford University Press. 

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Day History of Commerce Longmans. Net, $2.00 I 

* Dow Atlas of European History Holt. $1.50 

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Duruy History of. Modern Times Holt. $1.60 

EUwood Sociology and Modern Social Prob- 
lems American Book Co. $1.00 

* Fisher Napoleon Holt. $.50 

* Fiske The American Revolution Houghton Mifflin, 2 vol- 

umes. $2.00 each 
Fling Source Problems of the French Rev- 
olution Harper. $1.10 

Forbes, Toynbee, 

Mitrany, Hogarth . . The Balkans Oxford Press $i.75 

Fordham Short History of English Rural Life. .Scribners. $1.00 »- 

* Foumier Napoleon Holt. $2.00 J| 

Freeman Atlas to the Historical Geography of ^ 

Europe Longmans. Vol. I, Text, 

Net, $4.00. Vol. II, 
Maps, Net, $2.00 
Fyfife History of Modern Europe Holt. $2.75 

* Gardiner Atlas of English History. . Longmans. $1.50 

Student's History of England Longmans. $3.00 

j^ The French Revolution .Longmans. $1.00 

Gibbins Industry in England Scribner. $2.50 

* Gibbons The New Map of Europe Century. Net, $2.00 

* Gooch History of Our Time Holt. $.50 

* Grant History of Europe Longmans. $2.25 

Green History of the English People Harper. 4 volumes. 

$2.50 each. 



APPENDIX II 413 

Griffis Japan in History Houghton MifBin. $.75 

The Mikado Princeton Press. $1.00 

* Guedalla Partition of Europe 1715-1815 Oxford Press. $1.10 

Hannay The Navy and Sea Power Holt. $.50 

Harris Intervention and Colonization in 

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The War in Europe Appleton. Net, $1.00 

Hassall The Making of the British Empire . Scribner. $.50 

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* Hayes British Social Politics Ginn. $1.75 

The Political and Social History of 

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* Hazen Europe Since 1815 Holt. $3.00 

Headlam Bismarck and the Foundation of the 

German Empire Putnam. $1.50 

* Henderson A Short History of Germany^ Macmillan. Two vol- 

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Hill Liberty Documents Longmans. $2.00 

Hirst Adam Smith Macmillan. $.75 

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PreUminaries of the American Revo- 
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Kropotkin Terror in Russia Methuen Co. London. 

Net, 2S. 



414 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

* Larson Short History of England Holt. $1.40 

Lee Source Book of English History. . . . Holt. $2.00 

Library of Original Sources University Research Ex- 
tension Company, 
Milwaukee. 10 vol- 
umes. $70.00 

Lichtenberger • Germany and its Evolution in Mod- 
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Literary Digest Funk and Wagnalls Com- 
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Longman Frederick the Great Longmans. $1.00 

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Miller The Ottoman Empire Cambridge University 

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Morley Voltaire Macmillan. $1.50 ' 

Walpole Macmillan. $.75 

Morris The French Revolution and First 

Empire Scribner. $1.00 

* Muir School Atlas of Modern History. . . .Holt. $1.25 

Mtiller Political History of Recent Times . . American Book Com- 
pany. $2.00 

Miinsterberg The War and America Appleton. Net, $1.00 

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per year 

* Ogg The Governments of Europe Macmillan. $3.00 

Social Progress of Contemporary 

Europe Macmillan. $1.50 

Orth Socialism and Democracy in Europe. Holt. $1.50 

Outlook The Outlook Publishing 

Company. $3.00 per 
year 

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Plunket The Fall of the Old Order, 1 763-181 5. Oxford University Press. 

$1.10 

Poincare How France is Governed McBride. $1.50 

Priest Germany since 1740 Ginn. $1.25 

Reinsch Colonial Government Macmillan. $1.25 

World Politics at the end of the Nine- 
teenth Century Macmillan. $1.25 



APPENDIX II 415 

Review of Reviews Review of Reviews Com- 
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Roberts Monarchical Socialism in Germany . Scribner. $1.25 

* Robertson- 

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and $1.60 
Readings in Modern European 

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* Rose Development of the European Na- 

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Life of Napoleon I Macmillan. Two vol- 
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Sheip and Bacon Hand-book of the European War. . .Wilson Company. $1.00 

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Stephens Revolutionary Europe Rivingtons (Macmillan). 

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Stillman The Union of Italy Cambridge University 

Press. $1.50 



4l6 ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 

Stryienski The Eighteenth Century in France . .Putnam. Net, $2.50 

Synge Social Life in England Barnes. Net, $1.50 

Thurston Economics and Industrial History 

for Secondary Schools Scott, Foresman. $1.10 

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* Tower Germany of To-day Holt. $.50 

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Traill Social England Putnam. 12 volumes. 

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tory Ginn. $1.40 

Van Bergen Story of Russia American Book Com- 
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Wakeman European History, 1598-1715 Macmillan. $1.75 

* Webster General History of Commerce Ginn. $1.40 

West American History and Government .Allyn and Bacon. $2.00 

Source Book in American History. .Allyn and Bacon. $1.50 

^ White A Text-book of the War Putnam. $1.00 

White and Notestein . Source Problems in English History . Harper. $1.30 
Wilson Clive Macmillan. $.75 



APPENDIX III 
SYNCHRONOLOGICAL CHARTS 



ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



A SYNCHRONOLOGICAL CHART SHOWING THE RULERS OF 



Year 

i68s 
1690 
1695 
1700 
170S 
1710 
171S 
1720 
1725 
1730 
1735 
1740 
174s 
1750 
1755 
1760 
1765 
1770 
I77S 
1780 
178s 
1790 
I7QS 
i8cx) 
1805 
1810 
181S 



ENGLAND 



f 
James II 



Charles II 1660-85 
WiLUAM III ]■ 

1689-1702 Mary II 1685-8 
1689-94 

George I (Elector of Hanover) 
1714-27 

George II 1727-1760 

Frederick P. of Wales 



George III 1 760-1820 



FRANCE 

Louis XIV 1643-1715 

Louis the Dauphin 



Anne I 
1702-14 



Louis D. of Burgundy 

I 
Louis XV 1715-74 



Louis the Dauphin 



Louis XVI 
1774-93 



NETHERLANDS BELGIUM 



1830 
1835 
1840 
1845 
1850 
i8S5 
i860 
i86s 
1870 
187s 
1880 
188s 
1890 
189s 
1900 
190S 
1910 
IQIS 
1916 



William I 1815-30 
1815-40 



FIRST REPUBLIC 

National Convention 
1792-95 
Directory 1795-99 1 1 

Consulate 1 799-1804 Napoleon I Louis 
1804-14 I 



Louis XVIII 

1814-24 I 
Charles X 

1824-30 



1820 George IV Edward D. 
182s 1820-30 of Kent 

William IV | I 

1830-1837 Victoria | Leopold I 

1837-1901 William II 1831-65 Louis Philippe 
1840-49 I 1830-48 

I 
William III 1 
1849-90 



SECOND REPUBLIC 

1848-52 
President Louis Napoleon 

Bonaparte 
SECOND EMPIRE 
Napoleon III 1852-70 



Leopold II 
I 865- I 909 



Philip 



WiLHELMINA 

Edward VII 1890- 
1901-10 

George V 
1910- 



Albert I 
1909- 



THIRD REPUBLIC OF FRANCE 

President Thiers 1871 

" MacMahon 1873 

" Grevy 1879 

" Carnot 1887 

" Casimir-Perier 1894 

" Faure 1895 

" Loubet 1899 

" Falliferes 1906 

" Poincar6 1913 



APPENDIX III 



419 



THE PRINCIPAL EUROPEAN STATES FROM 1688 TO 1916. 



SPAIN 

Charles II 1665-1700 



AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 
THE EMPIRE 

Emp. Leopold I 1658-1705 



Philip V 
1700-46 



Emp. Joseph I 
I 705-1 I 



Emp. Charles VI 
I 7 11-40 



Ferdinand VI 
1746-59 



Maria Theresa 
m. Emp. Francis I 

I 



[740-80 
I 745- I 765 



Charles III 
1759-88 



Charles IV 
1788-1808 



Emf. Joseph II 
1765-90 



Joseph 
1808-14 



Emp. Leopold II 1790-2 

Emp. Francis II 1792-1804 
EMPIRE OF AUSTRIA (Emp. of Austria 
1804-1835) 
Ferdinand VII 

1814-33 I 



A 



Isabella II 
1833-68 



Emp. Ferdinand 1 irancis 

1835-48 I 

I Ejip. Francis Joseph 1 Maximilian | Charles 
1S48-1916 Emp. of Mexico 



ITALY 

Victor Emmanuel II 1861-78 



Amadeo I 1870-73 

REPUBLIC OF SPAIN 

1868-1870, 1873-74 
Alfonso XII 
1875-85 

Alfonso XIII 
1886- 



Humbert I 1878-1900 

I 

Victor Emmanuel III 1900- 



Francis Ferdinand 
(murdered 191 4) 



Otto I 
Emp. Charles I 



Year 

i68s 
1690 
1695 
1700 
170S 
1710 
1715 
1720 
172s 
1730 
I73S 
1740 
1745 
1750 
1755 
1760 
1765 
1770 
I77S 
1780 
178s 
1790 
1795 
1800 
180S 
1810 
181S 
1820 
182s 
1830 
1835 
1840 
1845 
1850 
1855 
i860 
1865 
1870 
187s 
1880 
1885 
1890 
189s 
igoo 
190S 
1910 
191S 
1916 



420 



ESSENTIALS IN MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY 



A SYNCHRONOLOGICAL CHART SHOWING THE RULERS OF THE 

PRINCIPAL EUROPEAN STATES FROM 1688 TO igi6 — Continued. 

Year PRUSSIA RUSSIA Year 



1685 
1690 
169s 
1700 
1 70s 
1710 
171S 
1720 
172s 



1730 
1735 
1740 
174s 
1750 
I7SS 

1760 
176s 
1770 
I77S 
1780 
178s 
1790 
1795 
1800 
180S 
1810 
181S 

1820 

182s 
1830 

183s 
1840 
184s 



1850 

I8SS 
i860 
i86s 
1870 

187s 



1880 
188s 
1890 
189s 
1900 
1905 
1910 
191S 
1916 



ELECTORS OF BRANDENBURG 

Frederick William 1640-88 

(The I Great Elector) 

Frederick III 1688-1701 

King of Prussia i 701-13 



I I Ivan V 1689-96 

Peter I 1696-1725 m. Catherine I 
I 1725-7 



Frederick William I 



1713-40 I 

Alexis 



Peter II 1727-30 



Frederick II 1740-86 | 

The Great Augustus William 



Anna 



Catherine 



1685 
1690 
1695 
1700 
1705 
1710 
1715 
1720 
1725 



Anna 

I Anna I 1730-40 1730 

I 1735 

Ivan VI 1740-41 1740 

I 1745 

Elizabeth I 1741-62 ^75o 
1755 



1762 Peter III m. Catherine II 1762-96 
The Great 



Frederick William II 1786-97 
Frederick Wiluam III 1 797-1840 Paul I 1 796-1801 



Frederick Willlam IV 1840-61 



Alexander I 1801-25 



GREECE Nicholas I 1825-55 

Capo d' Istria President 
Otto I 1832 



GERMAN EMPIRE 

William I 1861-71 George I 1863-1913 

German Emperor 1871-1888 



Frederick III 1888 

I 

William II 1888- 



Alexander II 1855-81 



Nicholas II 1894- 



CONSTANTINE I 1913- 



1760 
1765 
1770 
1775 
1780 
1785 
1790 
1795 
1800 

1805 
1810 
I8I5 

1820 

1825 
1830 

1835 

1840 

1845 
1850 
1855 

i860 
1865 
1870 

1875 



Alexander III 1881-94 i? 



1890 
189s 
1900 
1905 
1910 
1915 
1916 



INDEX 



Abhorrers, 4 

Absolutism in France, 10; in Prussia, 
21; in 1740, 24; of enlightened 
despots, 25-28; of Napoleon I, 

175 

Abyssinia, 323 

Acadia, 63, 64, 65 

Act, Corporation 6, 247; Enumer- 
ated Articles, 76; Molasses, 76; 
Navigation, 22, 76; Act of Set- 
tlement, 4; Test, 5, 247; Tolera- 
tion, 3; Sugar, 80; Stamp, 80; 
Townshend, 81; Intolerable, 82; 
Union, 246, 385; Catholic Eman- 
cipation, 246-47; Irish Land, 386; 
Insurance, 397 

Adams, Samuel, 81 

Admiralty courts, 77 

Africa, Portuguese in, 47; opening 
by missionaries and explorers, 317, 
ff; remnants of older colonial em- 
pires, 318; exploration of, 318 

Agriculture, interest of Tories in, 7; 
early in England, 190-92; im- 
provements in, 192-5 

Aix-la-Chapelle, Treaty of, (1748), 
70, 72, 74 

Albania, 317 

Alberoni, Cardinal, 22-23 

Alexander I, of Russia, at Tilsit, 
172, 176; break with Napoleon, 
179; influence of, 225, 370; sup- 
presses Polish Revolt, 235 

Alexander II, of Russia, 371-72 

Alexander III, of Russia, 373 

Algefiras Conference (1906), 303, 
350 

Algeria, France in, 317, 318, 321 



Alliance, The Grand, 62; The Holy, 
225-26; The Quadruple, 226; 
Triple, 363-64, 368 

Alsace-Lorraine, 289 

America, Portuguese colonies in, 57; 
French and Indian Wars, 61; 
War for Independence, 76-83, 
(See United States, etc.) 

American Independence, 
War of, 82-84 

Amiens, Peace of, 166 

Ancien Regime, defined, 90 

Andros, Sir Edmund, 78 

Angola, 57 

Anne, of England, 4, 7, 63, 66 

Anti- Corn-Law League, 253 

Antwerp, 139 

Arbitration, international, 399 

Arcot, 72 

Argentina, 231 

Arkwright, Sir Richard, 197 

Armada, Spanish, i 

Army, under Louis XIV, 15; under 
Peter the Great, 19; under 
Frederick William, 20; Prussian 
system, 21; Prussian soldier, 68; 
under Bismarck, 276; North 
German Confederation, 279; Wil- 
liam II's interest in, 369; (See 
Mihtarism) 

Arndt, 180 

Art, French, 12, 15 

Assembly, of Notables, 102; Na- 
tional 104, 106, no, 1 1 2-13, 
1 16-18, 123-25; Legislative, 114- 
15, 123 125-26, 130-31 

Assiento, 52, 65-66 

Assignats, (Asseen-yat), 113 



421 



422 



INDEX 



Auerstaedt, battle of, 171 

Ausgleich (Austro-Hungarian), 1867, 
280 

Austerlitz, battle of, 170 

Australia, government, 345, 349 

Austria (See Austria-Hungary), influ- 
ence of, 23; in Grand Alliance, 62; 
in War of Spanish Succession, 63; 
in War of Austrian Succession, 
66-68 ; alliance with France, 74; in 
Seven Years' War, 74-75; war 
with French RepubUc, 127, 135; 
in Third CoaUtion, 169; revolt 
against Napoleon, 178; in Con- 
gress of Vienna, 182-85; Indus- 
trial Revolution in, 215; situation 
in 1 814, 222; in Holy Alliance, 
225; Revolution of 1848, 240-44; 
War with Sardinia, 267; rivalry 
for leadership with Prussia, 274; 
Danish War, 277; Convention of 
Gastein, 277; receives Holstein, 
278; war with Prussia 278-279; 
humbling of, 279 

Austria-Hungary (See Austria) distri- 
bution of races in, 223; restoration 
in, 222; possessions in, 1848, 224; 
Ausgleich of 1867, 280; govern- 
ment, 280-81; interests in the 
Near East, 304; intervention in 
Turkey, 308 ; annexation of Bosnia 
and Herzegovina, 316; interven- 
tion in war between Serbia and 
Bulgaria, 314; attitude toward 
Turkey, 1908, 316; interest in 
Balkans, 350; extension of suf- 
frage, 382; Compromise of 1907, 
382 

Austrian Succession, War of, 70 

Azores, 80 



Baden, 279 

Bailly (Bay-ye) 107, 137 

Baker, 318 

Bakewell, Robert, 183-94 

" Balance of Power," 63 



"Balance of Trade," 51 

Ballcan Wars, 316-17 

Bank of England, 42, 144 

Bank of France, 165 

Banking, goldsmiths, 42; South 
Sea Bubble, 43; Bank of France, 
165; development under Napoleon 
III, 262; modern, 301 

Banquets, poHtical, 237 

Barere, 136 

Barre, Colonel, 77 

Bastille, 97, 108 

Bavaria, in War of Spanish Succes- 
sion, 64; Austrian Succession, 
68; Kingdom, 170; not in North 
German Confederation, 279 

Bazaine, Marshal, 286 

Belgium, aggressions of Louis XIV, 
62; conquest by French Republic, 
138; ceded to France, 145; 
united with Holland, 182; Revo- 
lution of 1830, 233-34; in Africa, 
319-20; invasion of 1914, 352 

Bengal, 73 

Berlin, Congress of, 310-12, 363; 
Conference of, 319; Decree, 176 

Bessemer process, 201 

Biarritz, interview at, 278 

Bill of Rights, 3 

Bismarck, Otto von, friend of Austria, 
275; personality, 275; character 
and aims, 276; "Blood and Iron," 
276; struggle with legislature, 
276; plans humbling of Austria, 
277-78; forestalls European in- 
terference, 278; tricks Napoleon 
III, 278, 284; magnanimous to 
Austria, 279; forms North Ger- 
man Confederation, 280; proposes 
Leopold for Spanish Throne, 282; 
interview at Ems, 284; dic- 
tates peace terms, 287; inter- 
view with Napoleon HI, 288; 
at proclamation of German Em- 
pire, 288; triumph of policy, 
289-91; at Congress of Berlin, 
311-12; aims and policies, 360, 



INDEX 



423 



363; alliances, 363-64; portrait, 
365; struggle with Church, 367, 
394-95; struggle with Socialists, 
367-68, 396; protective poUcy, 
368; dismissal 369-70 

''Black Hole" of Calcutta, 73 

Blanc, Louis, 235, 237, 258-59 

Blast furnace, 200 

Bliicher (Bleecker), 182 

Board, of Agriculture, 193; of Trade, 

77 

Bohemia, 241 

Boileau, 15 

Bolivar, General Simon, 228 

Bolivia, 228 

Bombay, 60, 69 

Bonaparte (See Napoleon) 

Bonaparte, Joseph, 170, 177 

Bonaparte, Louis, 170 

Boston, 83 

Boulangism, 380 

Bourbon family, compact of 1733, 
66; abdication of Spanish, 177; 
restoration in Spain and Naples, 
221-22 

Bourgeois Monarchy 236, 258 

Bourgeoisie, (Boor-zhwa-zee), 14 

Boxer Rebellion, 338-39 

Braddock, General, 72 

Brandenburg, 20, 74 (See Prussia) 

Brazil, 57, 176 

Breda, Declaration of, 2 

Brindley, James, 203 

Brook Farm Colony, 214 

Brunswick, Declaration of, 128 

Buelow, Bernhard, (Prince) von, 370 

Bulgaria, division, 312; union with 
RoumeHa, 314; accession of Fer- 
dinand I, 314; independence, 
316; alliance with Turkey, 317; 
part in Balkan Wars, 316-17 

Bundesrath, 279, 366 

Burgoyne, General, 83 

Burschenschaft, 180, 229-30 

Byron, Lord, 306 

Cabal, 3 



Cabinet (British), 3, 5, 7, 8, 79 

Cahiers (Ca-ya) 103 

Calcutta, 60, 72-73 

Calonne (Calon), 101-02 

Campo Formio, Treaty of, 154-56 

Canada, Count Frontenac in, 63; 
in Austrian Succession War, 69; 
capture of Louisbourg, 70; in 
Treaty of Paris, 75; American in- 
vasion, 83; government, 346, 348 

Canals, 298-99 

Canning, George, 230 

Cape Breton Island, 70, 75 

Cape Colon}^ 318 

Capitalism, 38, 194-95, 208-09 

Carbonari, 242 

Carlsbad Decrees (1819), 230 

Carnegie, Andrew, 399-400 

Carnot, 136-138 

Cartwright, Edmund, 197 

Casement, Sir Roger, 388 

Catherine II (The Great) of Russia, 
27-28, 123 

Cavaignac, General, 259 

Cavour, Count, portrait, 265; per- 
sonaHty, 266; policy, 266; at Paris, 
266; at Plombieres, 266; outwits 
Austria, 267; supports Garibaldi, 
268; Church policy, 394 

Ceylon, 184 

Champ de Mars (Sham dii Mar), 
Massacre of, 122 

Charles Albert, of Sardinia, 243, 
244, 266 

Charles, Archduke of Austria, 62, 64 

Charles Edward, The Pretender, 
68 

Charles I, of England, 2 

Charles II, of England, 2, 4, 6, 8, 
22, 60 

Charles II, of Spain, 62 

Charles IV, of Spain, 174 

Charles VI, Emperor, 67 

Charles X, of France, 231-32 

Charles XII, of Sweden, 19 

Charters, colonial, 77 

Chartism, 252-53 



424 



INDEX 



Child Labor, 210-11 

China, Portuguese in, 47; missions 
in 302; attitude toward West, 
326; Russian aggressions, 328; size 
and characteristics, 333-34; in- 
fluence of West. 335; early re- 
lations with Europe, 334-36; 
interest in Korea, 332-333; Boxer 
Rebellion, 338-39; influence of 
Li Hung Chang, 336-37; Re- 
public, 341; Japanese demands, 

342-43 

Church and State, in France under 
Louis XIV, 3-4, 12, 15; lands 
confiscated, 113; reoganization, 
116-17; Concordat, 1801, 163; 
Inquisition in Spain abolished by 
Napoleon, 178; hostihty to govern- 
ment of Italy, 270-73; in the 
nineteenth century, 361; struggle 
with Bismarck, 367; in Ireland, 
385; disestabhshment in Wales, 
393; relations with Prussia, 394- 
95; in Spain, 395 

Cisalpine Republic, 166 

Clarendon, Earl of, 3 

Clarkson, 250 

"Clermont," The, 204 

Clinton, De Witt, 206 

Clipper ship, 205 

CUve, Robert, 35, 68, 72-74 

Coalitions, against France, First, 
139-40, 145; Second, 166; Third, 
169; Fourth, 171 

Coblentz, French occupation of, 
138 

Coke of Holkham, 194 

Colbert, 13, 52, 66 

Cologne, occupation of, 138 

Colombia, 228 

Colonies, toleration in American, 
4; Portuguese, 57; Enghsh, 58; 
French, 58-59; loss of French, 
75 ; government, 345, 349; in 
1914, 346, 347, 348; kinds, 345; 
wars in, 61; development af- 
fected by wars, 63; situation in 



1 713, 66; French empire in India, 
69; French colonial empire, 71; 
policy of England, 75-85; charters, 
77; poUcy of Napoleon, 165; 
colonial empire of England, 85; 
changes made by Congress of 
Vienna, 185; in Africa, 318-19 

Commerce, domestic, 38-40; market, 
39; restrictions on, 39, 77; fairs, 
39-41; routes, 40-42; dangers, 
41-42; Portuguese, 47-48; Span- 
ish, 48-49; Dutch, 49-50; Mer- 
cantile System, 50-51; slaves, 57; 
Board of Trade, 'j'], (See Trading 
Company); Expansion in eigh- 
teenth century, 6-7, 24, 32-35; 
restrictions in France, 84-95; Na- 
poleon's blockade of, 176-77; since 
1870, 300 

Committee of Public Safety, 135- 
36 

Committees of Correspondence, 82 

Common Sense, 83 

Commons, House of, 5-6 (See Par- 
liament) 

Communists, 214, 377-79 

Communist Manifesto, 362 

Compromise of 1907, 382 

"Concert of Europe," 226, 231 

Concordat of 1801, 163, 393 

Confederation of the Rhine, 170; 
German, 183-84, 222, 278; North 
German Confederation, 278-80 

Confucius, 334 

Congo Free State, 319-20 

Congress, Stamp Act, 80; First 
Continental, 82; Second Conti- 
nental 83; Erfurt, 179; Vienna, 
181-85, 219, 242, 250, 262; Carls- 
bad, 230; Laibach, 230; Verona, 
230; Berlin, 363 

Conservatives, 250 

Constant, Baron, 399-400 

Constitution, French, 1791, 113-15; 
First French Republic, 135; Con- 
sulate, 161; Directory, 144; North 
German Confederation, 279; Aus- 



I 



INDEX 



425 



tria-Hungary, 280-81; (See Gov- 
ernment) 

Consulate, 160-61 

"Continental System," 176, 179 

Convention, National, calling of, 
129; meeting of, 131; trial of 
Louis XVI, 132; war with Europe, 
134; war policy, 138-39; Consti- 
tution of Year III, 144; adjourn- 
ment and services, 144-4S 

Cordeliers (Cor-del-ya) Club, 125 

Corn Laws (English), 212, 224, 252 

Cornwallis, Lord, 84 

Corporation Act, 6, 247 

Corvee (Cor-va), 93, 100 

Costiunes, 1814-24, 245; 1834-64, 

257 
Cotton gin, 198, 200 
Cotton manufacture, 198-99, 200 
Coureiirs de bois (Coorier day bwa). 

Craft guilds, 32, 33 
Crete, 316 

Crimean War, 262, 264 
Criminal law, in France, 97; in Eng- 
land, 247 
Cromer, Lord, 321 
Crompton, Samuel, 198 
Customs duties, in France, 94-95 
Custozza, battles of, 243-44, 270, 279 
Czechs, revolt in 1848, 241 

Danby, Earl of, 3 

Danton, 125, 129, 132, 140, 142 

Darby, 200 

Darwin, Charles, 398 

"Daughters of Liberty," 81 

Decembrists, 371 

Declaration of Breda, 2; of Bruns- 
wick, 128; of Indulgence, 4; of 
Pillnitz, 123; of Rights of Man, 
I 13-14 

Defoe, 38 

Denmark, enlightened despotism in, 
27; deprived of Nonvay, 184; war 
with Prussia and Austria, 277; 
loss of Schleswig-Holstein, 277 



Deputies on Mission, 136 

Despotism, Benevolent or EnUght- 
ened, 26-28; Napoleon I, 176 

Dettingen, battle of, 68 

Diderot (De-der-o), 25 

Directory, formation, 144; weakness, 
149, 160; X, Y, Z. affair, 160; 
overthrow, 160 

Dispensing power, 3 

Disraeli, Benjamin, Earl of Beacons- 
field, 383-85 

"Domestic System" in industry, 
36, 195-196 

Dom Pedro I, Emperor of Brazil, 
229 

Dreyfus case, 380-81 

Duma, Russian, 374-76 

Dumouriez (Doo-moo-re-ya), 131, 

134 

Dupleix, 68, 69, 72-73 

Dutch, explorers, 21; gains from 
Portugal, 57; trading operations, 
21-22, 58, 331; War of Spanish 
Succession, 63; in Africa, 318; 
colonial poHcy, 348 

East India Company, English, 46, 
60, 72 

Economics, 24, 53, 99 

Ecuador, 228 

Edict of Nantes, 12 

Education, beginnings in England, 
251; problems of, 362; in Russia, 
372; spread in Europe, 395 

Egypt, Napoleon in, 158-59; rule 
of Mehemet AU 307-08; occupa- 
tion by England, 318-19; with- 
drawal of France, 320; control of, 

345 
Elba, Napoleon at, 181 
Elizabeth, of England, 46 
Elizabeth, of Russia, 75 
Emigration, 301 

Emigres (A-me-gra), See Nobility 
Entile, 25 
Empire, (See Holy Roman Empire; 

France; etc.) 



426 



INDEX 



Ems Dispatch, 284 

Enclosures, 190-91, 194 

Encyclopedia, 25 

England, in the eighteenth cen- 
tury, 23; wars with Spain 
and France, 67-68; colonies in 
America, 58-59; trading opera- 
tions, 52, 57; and French Revolu- 
tion, 139; and Napoleon, 157-58, 
167, 176; at Congress of Vienna, 
182-85; Industrial Revolution, 
195-214; in the Quadruple PA- 
liance, 226; after Waterloo, 245- 
46; factory legislation, 250; Re- 
form Bill of, 1832, 247-50; Reign 
of Victoria, 252; cession Ionian 
Isles to Greece, 315; interests in 
the Near East, 305; Crimean 
War, 262-64, 308-10; interven- 
tion in Greece, 306-07; interven- 
tion in Turkey, 308; Reform 
Bills of 1867 and 1884, 383-84; 
in Africa, 318, 320-21, 324-25, 
349, 350; in China, 337-38, 334- 
35; alliance with Japan, 339; 
colonial possessions in 19 14, 346; 
War of 19 14, 352; woman suf- 
frage, 384; Workingmen's Com- 
pensation, 396; old age pensions, 
396-97; agriculture in, 190-95 

"Enlightened Despots," 25-28, 53 

Erfurt, Congress of, 179 

Estates-General, (See States General) 

Eugenie, Empress, 284 

Exclusion Bill, 4 

Explorers, in Africa, 318 

Eylau, battle of, 171 

Fabianism, 214 

Factory System, 206-09; legislation 

in England, 250-51 
Fairs, 39-41, 45 
Fashoda incident, 349-50 
Fenians, 385 

Ferdinand I of Bulgaria, 314-15 
Ferdinand I of Naples, 244 
Ferdinand II of Naples, 267 



Ferdinand VII of Spain, 228 

FeudaUsm in France, 91-92, 95, 
iio-ii; in Japan, 331-32 

Feuillants, (Fu-yan), 125, 127 

Finland, 184 

Fitch, John, 204 

Florida, 75, 84 

Fourier, Charles, 214 

France, Huguenot Wars, i; in 1740, 
23; manufacturing in, 52; colo- 
nial empire, 71; under Louis XIV, 
6-18, 62-65; in War of Austrian 
Succession, 67-68; in French and 
Indian Wars, 70-71; alHance with 
United States, 84; class distinc- 
tions, 90-91; Revolution in, 90- 
148; under Napoleon, 149-182; at 
Congress of Vienna, 183; Indus- 
trial Revolution in, 215, 235; 
restoration of Louis XVIII, 220- 
21; reign of Louis XVIII, 231; 
reign of Charles X, 231-32, 258- 
59; Revolution of 1830, 231-34; 
Revolution of 1848, 235-37; 
Second Repubhc, 260; Second 
Empire, 261; gains Nice and 
Savoy, 266-67; France and Prus- 
sia, 282-84, 288; under Third 
Republic, 237, 286, 288, 376-78; 
in the Near East, 305-06; in 
Africa, 318, 320, 322-23; in Far 
East, 335-36, 338; colonial pos- 
sessions in 19 14, 347; separa- 
tion of Church and State, 393,' 
Sociahsm, 395; 

Francis I, Emperor, 185 

Francis Joseph of Austria-Hungary, 
241, 280 

Franco-German War, 282-90 

Frankfort Assembly, 238-39 

Frederick William I of Prussia, 20 

Frederick II (the Great), 27, 66-67, 

70, 74-75 
Frederick WilUam III of Prussia, 

171-72 
Frederick William IV of Prussia, 

238-40 



INDEX 



427 



Free Trade, 212-13, 252-53, 361 
French and Indian Wars, 71-72 
Friedland, battle of, 172-73 
Fulton, Robert, 204 

Gabelle, 94 

Gambetta, 289 

Garibaldi, 267-68, 271 

Gastein, Convention of, 277 

George I, of England, 5, 7, 66 

George II, of England, 75 

George III, of England, 79, 81, 
84-85, 195 

Germany, reorganized by Napoleon, 
170, 172; reawakening of, 180; 
reconstructed by Congress of 
Vienna, 182; formation of German 
Confederation, 183-84, 222; In- 
dustrial Revolution 215; unrest 
in, 229; Revolution of 1848, 237- 
40; Assembly of Frankfort, 238- 
39; ZoUverein, 274; North German 
Confederation, 279-80; alliance of 
all German states, 281; unifica- 
tion, 290; proclamation of Em- 
pire, 288-91; in the Near East, 
316; in Africa, 323-24, 350; colo- 
nial policy, 349; colonial posses- 
sions in 19 14, 347; in China, 
337-38, 342; government, 364, 
366-67; under William II, 368- 
70; future of 370; socialism, 395- 
96; opposition at Hague, 399 

Gibraltar, 65 

Girondists ( Ji-ron-dists) , origin, 125; 
leaders, 126; policies, 127, 130, 
138; struggle with Mountain, 132; 
overthrow, 134 

Gladstone, 384-86 

Goa, 57 

Gobelins, 13 

Goldsmith, Oliver, 40 

Gordon, " Chinese, "321 

"Great War" of 1914, 317, 349- 

53 
Greece, uprising of 1820, 229; 
struggle for independence, 305-07; 



gains Thessaly, 315; gains Ionian 
Isles, 315; gains Crete, 316; rule 
of George I, 315; rule of Otho, 
314-15; part in Balkan Wars, 
316-17; war with Bulgaria, 317 

Grenville, 80 

Grey, Earl, 247, 250 

Guiana, British, 184 

Guilds, 32-36, 235 

Guizot, 236 

Habeas Corpus Act, 225 

Hague Peace Conferences, 226, 399 

Hanover, Electress of, 4; Elector 
of, 66; annexed to Prussia, 170; 
taken from Prussia, 172; opposes 
Prussia, 1866, 278; reannexed to 
Prussia, 279 

Hapsburg Family, Maria Theresa, 
67; dominions in 1848, 240-41; 
hereditary title to throne of Dual 
Monarchy, 280 

Hargreaves, James, 197 

Hayti, 165 

Hebert (a-bar), 140-42 

Helvetic Republic, 166 

Henry IV of France, i, 8 

HohenHnden, battle of, 166 

Holland, colonial expansion, 3, 18, 
21-22, 49-50; relations with 
French Republic, 145; Batavian 
Republic, 166; kingdom, 170; 
united with Belgium, 182; colo- 
nial possessions, 348 (See Dutch) 

Holstein, 278 

Holy Alliance, formation, 225-26; 
opposition to, 230, 306; end of, 244 

Holy Roman Empire, i, 2, 23, 170 

Hongkong, 57, 335 

Howard, John, 248 

Hudson Bay, 65 

Huguenots, 12 

Hungary, Revolution of 1848, 241; 
Magyar influence in, 281; exten- 
sion of suffrage, 382 (See Austria- 
Hungary) 

Huskisson, William, 212 



428 



INDEX 



Ibrahim, Pasha, 306 

Imperialism, 302 

India, in eighteenth century, 59-62; 
situation in 1748, 68-70; CHve 
in, 68-69; Sepoy Mutiny, 329-30; 
control of 345 

Indians, American, 63 

Indulgence, Declaration of, 4 

Industrial Revolution, in England, 
195-216; effects, 209-216, 359-60; 
on the continent, 215-16; in 
France, 235-36; in Japan, 332; in 
Russia, 372-73 

Industry, domestic system, 195-96; 
under Napoleon III, 261-62; since 
1870, 300-01 

Inquisition, 178 

Insurance (Workingmen's) , in Ger- 
many, 367; in England, 397 

Intendants, 95 

Interlopers, 46 

Intervention, doctrine of, 226, 229- 
231, 244 

Ionian Islands, 184 

Ireland, Union with England, 246, 
385; CatlioHc Emancipation, 246; 
famine in, 252; Home Rule agita- 
tion, 386, 388; Church in, 385; 
Land Act, 386; conditions in 1870, 
384-85 ; Sinn Fein insurrection, 388 

Iron industry, 199; charcoal smelt- 
ing, 199; blast furnace, 200; 
steel, 200; Bessemer and Sie- 
mens-Martin processes, 201 

Ismail, of Egypt, 320 

Italy, Napoleon's first campaign, 
154-56; second campaign, 166; 
Kingdom of Naples, 166; reconsti- 
tuted at Congress of Vienna, 183- 
84; Italy in 1815, 242, 269; upris- 
ings of 1820, 229; Revolution of 
1830, 234; revolts in 1848, 242; 
Carbonari and Young Italy, 242; 
completion of unity, 265-76; prob- 
lems of modern, 273, 360, 382, 
396; alliance with Prussia, 268, 
270; Church and State, 394; war 



with Turkey, 316; government of, 
273; in Africa, 302, 323; abandons 
Triple Alliance 303; in war of 
1914, 352 
Iturbide, 228-29 

Jacobins (Jako-bin) 1 23-24, 127-28 

James II of England, 3, 62, 78 

Japan, attitude toward West, 326; 
early government, 331; revo- 
lution, 332; Industrial Revolu- 
tion, 216; Chino- Japanese War, 
337; Russo-Japanese War, 339- 
40; War of 1914, 341-42; de- 
mands on China, 342-43; posi- 
tion in Far East, 343-44; present 
government, 332 

Jefferson, Thomas, 83 

Jemappes (Zhe-map), battle of, 135 

Jena, battle of, 171 

Jews, 3 

Joseph II, Emperor, 23, 26, 27 

Josephine, marriage with Napoleon, 
154; divorce, 179 

"July Ordinances," 232 

"July Revolution," 231-34 

Junto, Whig, 4 

Kay, John, 198 

Kiao-chau, 338, 342 

"King's Friends," 79 

Kipling, Rudyard, 27 

Kitchener, Lord, 321 

Korea, rivalry over, 332-33; war 
between China and Japan, 336- 
37; annexation by Japan, 340 

Kossuth, Louis, 240 

Kotzebue, 229 

Kulturkanipf, 395 

La Fayette, Commander National 

Guard, 107; at Versailles, 111-12; 

desertion, 130; in Revolution of 

1830, 232 
La Fontaine, 15 
Laissez-faire (Lay-say-fair), theory, 

99, 212-13 



INDEX 



429 



Lamartine, 257 

Large scale production, 208 

Law, John, 44 

Laws, labor, 213, 215, 252 

Le Brun, 15 

Lee, Richard Henry, 83 

Legion of Honor, 164 

Legislative Assembly, creation, 114- 
15; meeting, 123, 125; parties in, 
125-26, responsibility for Sep- 
tember Massacres, 130; adjourn- 
ment, 131 

"Legitimacy," 219 

Leipsic, battle of, 181 

Leo Xni, Pope, 394, 395 

Leopold I, Emperor of Austria, 
117, 123, 233 

Leopold II, of Belgium, 319-20 

Lettres-de-cachet (Let-r-du-ka-sha) , 

97 

Li Hung Chang, 336-37 

Liberation, War of, 180-81 

Lissa, battle of, 279 

Literature under Louis XIV, 15 

Livingstone, David, 302, 318-19 

Lloyd George, David, 388-89, 397, 

Locke, John, 24 

Locomotive, 205-08 

Lombardy, in Revolution of 1848, 
241; united to Sardinia, 267 

Longwy, battle of, 130 

Lords, House of, opposes Reform 
Bill of 1832, 249-50 (See Parli- 
ament, English) 

Lorrain, Claude, 15 

Louis XIV, of France, 1,8-9; dom- 
inates his age, 18; residence, 10- 
11; system of government 10-12; 
Church under 12; at the Gobe- 
lins, 13; army, 15; patronage of 
art and literature, 15, 24; de- 
signs on Spain, 22; colonies, 59; 
rivalry with England, 62-65; 
death, 66; expenditures, 93 

Louis XV of France, accession 66; 
expenditures, 92-93; misgovern- 
ment, 98-99; death, 66 



Louis XVI of France, character, 
99-100; collects troops, 103; be- 
fore National Assembly, 106; dis- 
trust of, iii; removes to Paris, 
112; flight to Varennes, 117, 122; 
vetoes, 127-28; flight to the As- 
sembly, 129; suspension of, 129; 
deposition, 131; trial, 132; execu- 
tion, 134 

Louis XVIII of France, 181-82, 221 

Louis Napoleon (See Napoleon III) 

Louis Philippe, accession, 232-33; 
policy, 232-33, 326; negotiates 
return of Napoleon's body, 234, 
257; acquisition of Algeria, 321; 
overthrow, 236; exile, 241 

Louisburg, 70, 72 

Louisiana, 75, 165, 174 

Lou vols (Lu-vwa), 15 

Luneville, Peace of, 166 

Macadam, John, 203 

Macao, 57 

Macaulay, Lord, 15 

MacMahon, Marshal, 286 

Madagascar, 323 

Madeira, 80 

Madras, 68, 72 

Magenta, battle of, -267, 285 

Magyars (See Hungary) 

Mahdi, 321 

Malplaquet (Mal-plack-ay), battle 
of, 64 

Malta, 184 

Manchester massacre, 224-25 

Manchuria 337-38, 339-40, 344 

Manorial system, 190-91 

Mansard, 15 

Manufacturing of textiles in 
England, 206-9; revolution of 
eighteenth century, 196 (See In- 
dustry; Factory System; etc.) 

Marat (Ma-ra), 124, 130, 132 

Marengo, battle of, 166 

Maria Theresa of Austria, 23, 67, 70 

Marie Antoinette (Maree-Antwanet), 
100, 122, 137 



430 



INDEX 



Marlborough, Duke of, 63, 64 

Marseillaise (Mar-s%yaz), 129 

Marx, Karl, 362 

Mary II of England, 3-4, 7, 

Massacre, Boston, 81; Champ de 
Mars, 122; September, 129, 130; 
Manchester, 224 

Maximilian of Mexico, 281-82 

"Maximum, Law of," 136, 144 

''May Laws," 394-95 

Mazarin (Mazaran), Cardinal, i, 8, 
19, 66 

Mazzini, 242, 265 

Mehemet AU, 306-08 

Mercantilism, 50, 53, 85, 212 

Methuen Treaty, 52, 65 

Metric system, 145 

Metternich, Prince, at Congress of 
Vienna, 185; character and aims, 
219; portrait, 220; and the Holy 
AlUance, 225; formation of Quad- 
ruple AUiance, 226; Carlsbad 
meeting, 230; overthrow, 240-41 

Metz, 286, 289 

Mexico, 228, 281 

Milan Decree, 176 

Militarism, 360-61 

Minorca, 65, 75^84 

Mirabeau, 106, 124, 117 

Missionaries, 301-02, 318 

"Mississippi Bubble," 44 

Modena, 267 

Moliere (M6-lee-air), 15 

Moltke, Hellmuth von, 279, 284-85, 
288 

Monopohes, in England, 34-35 

Monroe Doctrine, origin 230-31; in 
Asia, 343-44 

Montcalm, General, 72 

Montenegro, independence of, 312; 
part in Balkan Wars, 316-17 

Montesquieu (Mon-tes-kew), 2 

Moscow, 18, 46; campaign, 179; re- 
treat from, 180 

"Mountain," The, origin, 125-26; 
poHcy, 132; struggle with Giron- 
dists, 134 



Mukden, battle of, 340 

Naples, Kingdom of, under Napo- 
leon, 166, 170; restoration of 
Bourbons, 221-22; uprising in, 
229-30; Revolution of 1848, 244; 
conquered by Garibaldi, 268; 
annexed to Italy, 268 

Napoleon I, Emperor of French, 
early life, 150; portrait, 151, 
155; characteristics, 150-51; edu- 
cation, 152; services to Conven- 
tion, 144, 152; at Toulon, 152; 
marriage with Josephine, 154; 
appointment to army of Italy, 
154; Egyptian campaign, 157; 
invasion of Syria, 159; Coup- 
d^etat, 160-61; First Consul, 162; 
Emperor, 162, 168-69; rela- 
tions with the Pope, 163; ad- 
ministrative reforms, 163-64; 
codification of law, 164; colonial 
policy, 165; financial measures, 
165; Second Italian Campaign, 
166; at Boulogne, 167; Con- 
sul for Life, 168; extension of 
power over central Europe, 168; 
plots against, 168; crushes Aus- 
tria, 170; defeats Fourth Coali- 
tion, 171; power at its height, 
171; at Tilsit, 172; designs on 
Spain, 174; attitude of French 
to, 174-75; absolutism, 175-76; 
relations with Europe, 175; na- 
tionahst reaction against, 176; 
Berlin Decree, 176; Milan De- 
cree, 176; influence on United 
States, 176; campaigns in Spain 
and Portugal, 177-78; divorce 
and remarriage, 179; Russian 
campaign, 180; in War of Libera- 
tion, 180; first abdication, 181; 
at Elba, 181; the Hundred Days, 
181; defeat and exile, 182; inter- 
est in industry, 235; "Napoleonic 
Legend," 257 

Napoleon II, 179 



INDEX 



431 



Napoleon. Ill, Emperor of French, 
character and aims, 256; elected 
President, 259; imitation of Na- 
poleon I, 259-60; personaHty, 
260; formation of Second Em- 
pire, 260-61; Coup-d'etat, 261; 
policy, 261; encouragement of 
industry, 261-62; foreign policy, 
262; enters Crimean War, 262-63, 
308-10; receives Siamese Min- 
isters, 263; presides over peace 
congress at Paris, 264; at Plombi- 
eres, 266; ends Sardinian War, 
267; opposes final unification of 
Italy, 268-70; tricked by Bis- 
marck, 278, 284; schemes in 
Mexico, 281-82; interest in Indo- 
China, 336; part in Austro-Prus- 
sian War, 281; defeat at Sedan, 
286; interview with Bismarck, 
287; exile, 287 

Nassau, annexed to Prussia, 279 

National Assembly, proclaimed, 104; 
forms Constitutional Convention, 
104; Abolition of Privilege, no; 
removal to Paris, 11 2-13; parties 
in, 123-25; issue of assignats, 113; 
Civil Constitution of Clergy, 116- 
17; adjournment, 118 

National Guard, formation, 107; at 
Versailles, no; Massacre on 
Champ de Mars, 122 

"National Work Shops," 237, 258- 

59 

Nationality, principle of, 227, 244, 

280 
Navarino, battle of, 306 
Navigation Acts, 2 2 
Near East, question of, 262, 264- 

65, 304 

Necker, appointment, 104; recall, 
103; dismissal, 107 

Nelson, Horatio, Lord, battle of 
Nile, 158; portrait, 168; Trafal- 
gar, 167-68 

Neutrality, the Armed, 84 

New Netherland, 22 



New Zealand, 345, 349 
Newcomen, Thomas, 202 
Newfoundland, 65 
Nicholas I of Russia, relations with 

Turkey, 308-09; policy, 371 
Nicholas II of Russia, 374-75, 399 
Nihilism, 372 
Nile, battle of, 158 
Non-intercourse agreements, 81 
Norway, united with Sweden, 184; 

separated from Sweden, 383; 

woman suffrage in, 383 
Nova Scotia, 63, 75 
Novara, battle of, 244 

'"'Oath of the Tennis Court," 105 

O'Connell, Daniel, 246-47 

"October Manifesto," 374 

Ohio Company, 70 

Okuma, Count, 343-44 

Opium War, 334-35 

Orange River Free State, 318 

"Orders in Council," 176 

Oswego, 72 

Ottoman Empire, formation, 303; 
in 1 81 5, 304; war with Egypt, 
307-08; Young Turk movement, 
315-16; war with Balkan League, 
316-17; alliance with Bulgaria, 

317 
Owen, Robert, 214 
Oyama, Marshal, 341 

Paine, Thomas, 83 

Palatinate, War of the, 62-63 

Palmerston, Lord, 277 

Panama, 65-66 

Panama Canal, 298, 380, 398 

Pan-Slavism, 304, 350 

Papal Guarantees, Law of, 394 

Papal States, 243, 267-68 

Paris, influence on French Revolu- 
tion, 107-08, III, 113; changes 
in government, 107, 129; siege 
of, 287, 289; Treaty of 1763, 75; 
Treaty of 1783, 84; Treaty of 
1856, 266 



432 



INDEX 



Parlements, 97, 102 

Parliament, English, restoration, 2; 
Rump, 2; power of, 8; suspends 
Habeas Corpus, 225; Reform of 
1832, 247-50; composition and 
powers, 388-93; Houses of, 387 

Parma, annexed to Italy, 267 

ParneU, Charles Stewart, 386 

Parties in England, 4; platforms, 
6; in Italy, 273 

Pasteur, Louis, 398 

Peace, encouragment of, 399-400 

Peasants, in France, 92-94, 97-98 

Peel, Sir Robert, 247, 252 

Peninsular War, 1 78 

Pensions, in France, 93; in England, 
396-97 

Pepperell, William, 70 

Perry, Commodore, visit to Japan, 

331 

Peru, 228 

Peter I (the Great), of Russia, early 
life, 17-18; reforms, 19; con- 
quests, 20 

Peter III, of Russia, 75 

Petrograd (St. Petersburg), 19 

Philadelphia, capture of, 84 

Philip II of Spain, i 

Philip V of Spain, 22, 64 

Philosophers, 24 

Phipps, Sir WiUiam, 63 

Physiocrats, 53, 99 

Pillnitz, Declaration of, 123 

Pitt, WiUiam (Earl of Chatham), 
75,72,80 

Pitt, Wniiam (the Younger), es- 
tablishes Board of Agriculture, 
193; war policy, 139; reforms, 
85; Act of Union, 246; forms 
Third Coalition, 170; death, 170 

Pius IX, Pope, 242-43, 267-71 

Pius X, Pope, 393, 394 

Plassey, battle of, 73 

Plebiscite, under Napoleon I, 162; 
use by Napoleon III, 261; in 
Italy, 267-68 

Plombieres, 266 



Pobyedonostseff, 373 

Poincare, Raymond, 404 

Poland, weakness of, 20; dismem- 
berment, 123, 146; reconstituted 
by Napoleon, 172; Russian, 179; 
receives a constitution, 225; 
Revolution of 1830, 234-35, 371; 
Russian poHcy, 373 

Pondicherry, 68, 74 

Poor Law, Enghsh, 251 

Port Arthur, 337-38, 34° 

Port Royal, 63-64 

Portugal, trading operations, 21, 
46-47, 52, 57; weakness of, 21, 
47, 57; enlightened despotism, 27; 
Methuen Treaty, 52, 65; grants 
Bombay to Charles II, 60; rela- 
tions with Napoleon, 171; flight 
of royal family, 177; revolution 
of 1820, 229; in Africa, 318; in 
China, 335; downfall of mon- 
archy, 382-83; Church and State, 

395 

Poverty, increase under factory sys- 
tem, 210; in England, 251, 396 

Pragmatic Sanction, 67 

Prague, 241 

Pressbiurg, Treaty of, 170 

Princeton, battle of, 83 

"Prisoner of the Vatican," 273 

Protection, in Russia, 373; in Ger- 
many, 368 

Protectorate, the, 345 

Protestantism, i, 3, 4, 12 

Prussia i, growth of, 74; religious 
toleration, 3; in "Peace of Hu- 
bertsburg, 1763, 75; relations with 
Louis XVI, 123; declaration of 
war, 128; victories in 1793, ^35 5 
peace with France, 145; gains 
Hanover, 170; in Fourth Coali- 
tion, 171; reawakening, 180; re- 
constituted at Congress of Vienna, 
182-85; in Holy Alliance, 225; in 
Carlsbad Congress, 230; in Trop- 
pau, Laibach and Verona Con- 
gresses, 230; constitution of, 238; 



INDEX 



433 



at Frankfort Parliament, 239; 
Humiliation of Olmiitz, 274; forms 
Zollverein, 274; William I, 275; 
Bismarck, 275; militarism, 276; 

. Danish War, 277; Convention of 
Gastein, 277; War with Austria, 
278-79; annexations in 1866, 279; 
joins North German Confeder- 
ation, 279; aUiance with South 
German States, 281; prepared- 
ness in 1870, 284; power in 
Germany, 364, 366-67, "The 
May Laws," 394-95 (See Ger- 
many) 

Public Safety, Committee of, 135-36 

Quartering Act, 82 
Quebec Act, 82 

Racine (Ra-seen), 15 

Railways , Liverpool and Man- 
chester, 205; construction, 206; 
since 1870, 296-97; Trans-Si- 
berian, 328,330-31; Russian, 373 

Ramillies, battle of, 64 

Reform Act, British (1832), 247-50; 
(1867), 383; (1884), 384 

Regulating Act, 82 

Reichstag, North German Confedera- 
tion, 279; German Empire, 366 

"Reign of Terror," 143 

Repubhcs, First French, 131, 135; 
Cisalpine, 166; Helvetic, 166; 
Batavian, 166; Central American, 
228; Mexican, 229; South Ameri- 
can, 228; Second French, 259; 
Third French, 289, 376-81; in 
Spain, 381; Portuguese, 382-83 

Restoration, EngHsh, 2 

Revolution, agricultural in England, 
194-95; American, beginning of 
2>2,\ influence on France, 113, 126; 
French, 104-46; of 1820, 227-29; 
of 1830, 227, 231-34; Revolution 
of 1688, 3, 24, 59; of 1848, in 
France, 235-37, 258-60; in Ger- 
many, 237-40, 274; in Prussia, 



238; in Austria, 240-41; in Italy, 
242-44; in Naples, 244; results, 
244-45; 221; Industrial, 195-216; 
Turkish, 315-16 

Rhodes, Cecil, 324-25 

RicheHeu (Reesh-lu), Cardinal, i, 8, 
19, 66 

"Right of Search," 177 

Road-making, i8th Century, 40; 
since 1870, 296 

Robespierre, portrait, 124; influence, 
132; in Committee of Public 
Safety, 136; ideas of, 140-41; 
dictatorship, 142; overthrow, 143 

Roentgen, 398 

Romagna, annexed to Italy, 267 

Rome, King of, 179; Repubhc of 
1848, 243; annexed to Italy, 270 

Romilly, 247 

Roosevelt, Theodore, 340 

"Rotten Boroughs," 249 

Rousseau (Ru-so) 25, 99 

Rumania, origin, 309-10; indepen- 
dence, 312; since 1881, 314; in 
War of 1914, 317, 352-53 

RumeHa, 314 

Rump Parhament, 2 

Russell, Lord John, 249 

Russia, rise of, 16; Enlightened 
Despotism in, 27-28; in Seven 
Years' War, 74; dismember- 
ment of Poland, 146; in Third 
Coahtion, 169; in Fourth Coali- 
tion, 171; Peace of Tilsit, 172; 
Invasion of, 179-80; at Congress 
of Vienna, 182-85; in Holy Alli- 
ance, 225; designs on Turkey, 
262, 350; intervention in Greece, 
306-07; Crimean War, 262-64; 
Russo-Turkish War, 308-10; con- 
trol of Bulgaria, 312; opposition 
to Mehemet Ali, 308; serfdom 
in, 371-72; railroads, 330-31, 373; 
Industrial Revolution, 215-16; 
occupation of Siberia, 327; con- 
quest of Turkestan, 328; interests 
in Far East, 327-29, 337-38; 



434 



INDEX 



Russo-Japanese War, 339-40, 
374; War of 1914, 376; govern- 
ment, 375-76; future, 376 
Russo-Turkish War (1877-78), 
310-11 

Sadowa, battle of 270, 279 

Saint Just (San Zhiist), 136 

St. Leger, 84 

Saint-Simon (San-Semon), 214 

San Stefano, Treaty of, 310 

Saratoga, battle of, 84 

Sardinia, gains in 1748, 70; revolt 
of 1848, 241, 243; enters Crimean 
War, 266; supported by Napo- 
leon III, 266; gains in 1859, 267 

Saxony, made a Kingdom, 172 

Scha^orst, 180 

Schenectady, 63 

Schleswig, assigned to Prussia, 279 

Schleswig-Holstein Question, 277 

Science, 398 

Sebastopol, siege of, 264 

Second Empire, establishment, 260; 
fall, 286, 287 

Sedan, battle of, 286 

Sepoy, defined, 60; Mutiny, 329-30 

September Massacres, 129-30 

Serbia, independence, 312; wars 
with Bulgaria, 314, 317; part in 
Balkan Wars, 316-17 

Serfdom, in France, 97; abolished 
in Austria, Denmark, Portugal, 
27; in Russia, 371-72 

Seven Weeks' War, 278-79 

Seven Years' War, 74-75 

Sevigne (Sa-veen-ya), Madame de, 

15 
Shipping, early 204-05; since i860, 

297-98 
Shogunate, 331 
Siam, 263 
Siberia, 327-28 
Sicilies, Two (See Naples) 
Sieyes, (See-ya), 160 
Silesia, 67, 74 
Siraj-ud-daula, 73 



Sinn Fein Society, 388 

Six Acts, 225 

Slavery, slave trade, 57; abolished 
in English colonies, 250 

Smeaton's blast furnace, 200 

Smith, Adam, 53, 85, 212 

SmuggUng, 78, 81 

Social Legislation, in Germany, 396; 
in England, 250-51, 396-99 

SociaHsm, growth in England, 213; 
theories of, 213-14; communists, 
214; Fabianism, 214; views of 
Louis Blanc, 235-36; formation 
of Socialist Party in France, 235- 
36; influence in 1848, 258-59; 
Communist Manifesto, 362; syn- 
dicalism, 362-63; struggle with 
Bismarck, 367-68; in Russia, 373; 
recent progress, 395-98 

Solferino, battle of, 267, 285 

South Africa, Union of, 325 

South America, independence, 228- 
29, 231 

"South Sea bubble," 43 

Spain, early history, 1-2, 22-23, 
48-49, 52: aUiance with France, 
66-67; domination of Portugal, 
57; trading operations, 58; colo- 
nial system, 58, 77; Family Com- 
pact, 66; Napoleon's designs on, 
174; Napoleon's war on, 177; 
restoration of Bourbons, 221; loss 
of American colonies, 228-29, 231; 
in Africa, 318; in Morocco, 322- 
23; repubhc, 381; adoption of 
present constitution, 381; rela- 
tions between Church and State, 

395 
Spanish Succession, War of, 52, 62; 

Question of, 282-83 
Speke, 318 
Spice Islands, 49 
Spinning jenny, 197; frame, 197; 

mule, 198 
Stambulofif, 314 
Stamp Act, 80, 82 
Stamp Act Congress, 80 



INDEX 



435 



Stanley, Henry M., 318-19 

States General, in France, 14; agi- 
tation for, 102; called, 103 

Steamboat, 204-05, 297-98 

Steam engine, 201; Newcomen's, 
201-02; Watt's, 202, 205-06, 208 

Steel manufacture, 200-01 

Stein, Baron von, 180 

Stephenson, George, 205-06 

Strassburg, ceded to Germany, 290 

Stock exchange, 44 

Stuart Family, 2, 4 

Sudan, 320-21 

Suez Canal, 262, 298, 320 

Suffrage, in eighteenth century, 6; 
Reform Bill of 1832, 247-50; ex- 
tension in Austria-Hungary, 382; 
extension in Italy, 382; woman 
suffrage in Norway, 383; in Eng- 
land, 384, 398 

Sun Yat Sen, 341, 343 

Suspects, Law of, 136-37 

Siittner, Baroness von, 400 

Sweden, decline of, 19; united with 
Norway, 184; loss of Norway, 

383 
Switzerland, 166 
SyndicaHsm, 362, 397-98 
Syria, invasion by Napoleon, 158 

TaiUe (Td-y'), 93-94 

Talleyrand, 182, 185 

Taxation, in America, 81; in France, 
92-95; reformed in Spain by 
Napoleon, 178; in England, 224 

"Tea Party, Boston," 82 

Telegraph, 299-300 

Telephone, 299 

Telford, Thomas, 203 

Tennis Court Oath, 105 

Terror, Reign of 136-37 

Test Act, 6, 247 

Thessaly, cession to Greece, 315 

Thiers, 257, 288, 290 

Third Estate, 14, 103 

Third French RepubUc, 290, 376-81, 
393, 395, 397-98 



Three-field system, 190 

Tientsin, Treaties of, 335 

Tilsit, Treaty of, 172 

Timor, 57 

Tithe, 95 

Toleration acts, 3, 4, 5, 12 

Tories, origin, 4; policy, 7, 78, 222, 
224-25, 250 

Toulon, siege of, 152 

Townshend Acts, 80-81 

Townshend , Charles (" Turnip ' ' 
Townshend), 192-93 

Trade (See Commerce) 

Trade unions, 212-13, 215 

Trading Company, regulated, 44; 
joint-stock, 46; London, 46; East 
India, 46; South Sea, 47; Missis- 
sippi, 47; Dutch West India, 
47-49; Dutch East India, 49 

Trafalgar, battle of, 168 

Transportation, conditions in eigh- 
teenth century, 203; telford roads, 
203; macadam roads, 203; bridge 
building, 203; canals, 203-4; 
steamboat, 204; ocean, 204-5; 
steam engine, 205-6; since 1870, 
295-99; railroad building by Rus- 
sia, 330-31 

Transportation Act, 82 

Trans-Siberian Railroad, 328, 330-31 

Transvaal, 318 

Treaties, Westphalia (1648), i, 21; 
Ryswick (1697), 62, 63; Methuen, 
(1703), 52, 65; Utrecht (1713), 
65; Assiento (1713), 62, 65-66, 67; 
ALx-la-ChapeUe (1748), 70, 72, 74; 
Paris (1763), 75; Paris (1783), 
84; Campo Formio (1797), 154, 
156; Luneville (1801), 166; Amiens 
(1802), 166; Pressburg (1805), 170; 
Tilsit (1807), i72;Nanldng (1843), 
335; Paris (1856), 264; Tientsin 
(1858, i860), 335; Zurich (1859), 
267; Versailles (1871), 289; Shimo- 
noseki (1895), 337; Portsmouth 

(1905), 340 
Trenton, battle of, 83 



436 



INDEX 



Triple Alliance, 363-64, 368 
Triple Entente, 303 
Tripoli, annexation by Italy, 316 
TuUeries (Twee-ler-ee), attack on, 

128-29 
Tull, Jethro, 192 
Tunis, France in, 302, 318, 322 
Turgot (Tergo), 100-01 
Turin, 268 

Turkestan, conquest by Russia, 328 
Turkey(See Ottoman Empire) 
Tuscany, annexed to Italy, 267 
Tzu-hsi, Empress of China, 338-39, 

341 

Ulm, battle of, 1 70 

Ultra Royalists, 231 

Umbria, annexed to Italy, 268 

Unemployment, 397 

Union, Act of (with Ireland), 246 

Unions, Trade (See Trade Unions) 

Unitarians, 3 

United States of America, Indepen- 
dence of, 83, 84; affected by Napo- 
leon, 176; Monroe Doctrine, 231; 
Maximihan of Mexico, 282; inter- 
vention in China, 339; relations 
with Japan, 331-32; colonial pos- 
sessions, 348; Open Door Policy, 
350 

University of France, 164 

Utrecht, peace of, 65 

Valmy, 131 

Varennes, flight to, 1 1 7 

Vauban, 15 

Vendee, insurrection in, 134, 138 

Venezuela, 228 

Venice (Venetia) , revolution of 1848, 
241, 243; annexed to Italy, 270, 
278-79 

Verdun, capture of, 130 

Versailles, under Louis XIV, 12, 14; 
palace, 91; court at 93; march 
of women to, 111-12; proclama- 
tion of German Empire at, 289 

Victor Emmanuel II of Sardinia 



(Italy), accession, 244; begins 
struggle for Italian unity, 265; 
defeats Austria, 266; gains Na- 
ples, 268; alliance with Prussia, 
268; monument to, 270 

Victoria, of Great Britain, 251- 
52; Empress of India, 330 

Vienna, Congress of, 181-85; 

Vienna, Revolution of 1848, 241 

Vladivostock, 328 

Voltaire, 25 

Voting, in England, 5-6, 247-48, 
383-84; in Italy, 273, 382; in 
Austria-Hungary, 382; in Nor- 
way, 383 (See Suffrage) 

Wagram, battle of, 179 

Wales, disestabHshment of Church, 

393 

Walpole, Sir Robert, 5, 66, 75, 78 

Wandewash, battle of, 74 

Wars, Great Civil in England, 2, 24, 
59; table of, eighteenth century, 
61; French and Indian, 61, 70; 
Palatinate, 61, 62; Spanish Suc- 
cession, 7, 22, 61, 63; Jenkins' 
Ear, 67; Austrian Succession, 
61, 68; Seven Years', 74; 1812, 
176-77; Peninsular, 178; Liber- 
ation, 179; Opium, 334-35; 
Crimean, 262-65; Italian or 
Austro-Sardinian, 265, 267; 
Danish, 265, 277; Seven Weeks', 
or Austro-Prussian, 265, 278- 
79; Franco-German, 265, 284- 
87; Russo-Turkish, 329; Chino- 
Japanese, 336-37; Russo-Japanese, 
339-40, 374; Boer, 324-25; 
Turco-ItaHan, 323; Balkan, 317; 
Great War, 1914, 35^-53 

Warsaw, Grand Duchy of, 172, 179 

Wartburg festival, 229 

Washington, George, 78 

Waterloo, battle of, 182 

Watt, James, 202 

Weaving process, 198 

Wedgwood, Josiah, 201 



INDEX 



437 



Wellington, Duke of , in Spain, 178; 
at Waterloo, 182; ministry of, 247 

West Indies, slavery abolished in, 250 

Westphalia treaty, i, 21; Kingdom 
of, 172 

Whigs, origin, 4; Junto, 4; in 1740, 
6; rivalry with Tories, 7; under 
Walpole, 78; time of William Pitt, 
the Younger, 85; interest in agri- 
culture, 192; name changed to 
Liberals, 250 

Whitney, Eli, 189-99 

Wilberforce, William, 250 

William I, (German Emperor) of 
Prussia, personality, 275; defeats 
Napoleon III, 286; proclaimed 
Emperor, 288; influence, 364 

WiUiam II, of Germany, aims, 363; 
encouragement of navy, 368-69; 
interest in the army, 369; por- 
trait, 369 

William III, of England 3, 4, 7, 62- 
63 



William, IV of England, 247 

Witte, Serge de, 373 

Woman suHrage, in Norway, 383; in 
England, 384 

Workingmen's compensation, 396 

"Worship of Reason," 141 

"Writs of Assistance," 81 

Wurtemberg, made a kingdom, 170; 
not in North German Confedera- 
tion, 279 

X-Rays, 398 

X, Y, Z, affair, 160 

Young, Arthur, 192-93 
"Young Italy," 242 
"Young Turks," 316 
Yuan-Shi-K'ai, 341-42 

Zemstva, 372 
Zollverein, 274 
Zurich, 159, 267 



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